All posts by Rob Fairmichael

News, October 2025

Unpacking the Joint Framework on Legacy

A joint seminar by QUB Mitchell Institute & Human Rights Centre titled “Unpacking the Joint Framework on Legacy” takes place at the Great Hall, Queen’s University Belfast on Friday 10th October from 10 am. This will look at the new ‘joint framework’ on Troubles legacy issues. This seminar will feature an NGO panel, presenting an analysis paper on the Joint Framework from CAJ, with input from the Pat Finucane Centre, Amnesty International and Relatives for Justice. This will be followed by an academic panel providing further insight and analysis on the recently published Joint Framework. The event is open to all. See https://caj.org.uk/latest/unpacking-the-joint-framework-on-legacy-seminar/ with link to booking.

Spying on journalists in NI

Following the release of the McCullough Report, Amnesty International and the Committee on Administration of Justice have written to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to ask him to establish a public inquiry into covert surveillance in Northern Ireland by MI5 (not covered by McCullough), and the establishment of the Covert Commissioner for Law Enforcement for Northern Ireland. This report identified multiple cases of covert surveillance by the PSNI against journalists and lawyers, including, in Angus McCullough’s view, unlawful actions by the police in breach of the Human Rights Act. Patrick Corrigan of Amnesty International had previously stated “The PSNI not only authorised covert surveillance designed to identify journalists’ confidential sources, in flagrant violation of press freedom, but then withheld details of those operations from the very watchdog charged with holding them to account…….This has implications not just in Northern Ireland but throughout the UK. There must now be an overhaul of the mechanisms designed to provide oversight of police surveillance activities across the UK.” https://caj.org.uk/latest/mccullough-review-public-inquiry/ https://www.amnesty.org.uk/issues/Northern-Ireland

Resources on monitoring/civilian protection

There is renewed interest in monitoring in the context of racial threats and violence, and other issues, in both jurisdictions in Ireland [see e.g. news of Irish Network of Legal Obervers in Nonviolent News 332]. INNATE has updated the list of resources on monitoring/accompaniment/unarmed civiian protection it has available in the introduction to its photo album at https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/albums/72157629555375796/ INNATE is still involved in work and training in this area and is happy to work with anyone on the issue and possibilities.

ICCL: Age of responsibility, toxic algorithms, faulty facials

ICCL/Irish Council for Civil Liberties has called for the age of criminal responsibility to be increased – it is currently 12 years in Ireland which is lower than what is probably the European average of 14. Regarding toxic algorithms which they say decide what we see, pushing conspiracy, extremism and hate into our feeds, dividing us and undermining trust in our democracy, they have a petition to European Commissioner for Justice & Democracy Michael McGrath, organised by Uplift, the Hope and Courage Collective and ICCL itself. This is to ensure that social media recommender algorithms are turned off by default, as part of the Democracy Shield — the European Union’s plan to protect democracy from digital threats. See https://www.uplift.ie/michael-mcgrath-recommender-system/

l In relation to facial recognition technology (FRT), ICCL points out that more than 3.4 million people in Ireland have had their faces unlawfully scanned and turned into biometric profiles, as part of the registration process for the Public Services Card (PSC) but this costly system has yielded only 48 convictions for welfare fraud in the past 15 years.    One-third of all new PSC registrations, and 95% of all renewals, are flagged by the faulty facial recognition system and need to be verified by a human.  They state “FRT is dangerous when it works as intended, and equally as dangerous when it doesn’t” – “Imagine if this faulty technology was being used by An Garda Síochána on our streets. Imagine the consequences: false matches and innocent people being stopped and questioned, or worse.” A petition on opposing the use of FRT by the Gardaí is available to sign via ICCL’s website at https://www.iccl.ie/

Racial violence and social media

Inciting a Pogrom? Social media and the racist disorder in Ballymena and beyond during summer 2025’ is a new report which analyses the extent to which racist incidents and protests in Ballymena during the summer of 2025 have been fuelled by orchestration, disinformation and misinformation online by far-right actors and tropes. This is the second report in an ongoing project and builds on the findings of the ‘Mapping Far-Right Activity Online in Northern Ireland Project Report’. It is being launched in Belfast on Monday 6th October (the event is open but full with a waiting list) from 11am and organised by Rabble Coop, Equality Coalition, UNISON, and CAJ www.caj.org.uk

Statement on NI and UK commitment to ECHR

A short and very clear statement on the proposal for the UK to withdraw from the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) is available on the CAJ website https://caj.org.uk/ The statement is from the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ), Participation and Practice of Rights (PPR), and Human Rights Consortium. The first paragraph reads: “The ECHR is deeply embedded within the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. An entire section of the multi-party element of the Agreement is devoted to rights protections as the foundation of a post-conflict society in Northern Ireland. The headline commitment of the United Kingdom within this section is as follows: “The British Government will complete incorporation into Northern Ireland law of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), with direct access to the courts, and remedies for breach of the Convention, including power for the courts to overrule Assembly legislation on grounds of inconsistency.” This was a direct commitment, embodied in an international agreement. It cannot be ignored, parsed or diluted to suit the policy convenience of a UK Government acting unilaterally.”

l CAJ is recruiting a solicitor to work on legacy issues, closing date 6th October, https://caj.org.uk/

MII annual conference: Beyond the agreement to mediate

It may be too late to book but the The Mediators’ Institute of Ireland/MII annual conference takes place in Santry on Friday 3rd and Saturday 4th October with the title “Beyond the agreement to mediate”. Keynote speakers are Hon Ms Justice Marguerite Bolger and Dr. Brian Pennie, and the conference will be opened by the Minister for Justice, Jim O’Callaghan TD. As usual there is a full and varied conference programme. https://www.themii.ie/

Good Relations Week

Good Relations Week in Northern Ireland programme is online at https://goodrelationsweek.com/events/ and includes workshops, lectures, panel discussions, podcasts, storytelling, digital content, exhibitions, etc. It runs from 13th – 19th October. These events showcase how communities are working together to break down barriers, celebrate diversity, and create opportunities for a more inclusive society. Closing date for registering events is 6th October.

Lex Innocentium 21stC mark first anniversary

Lex Innocentium 21C marked the first anniversary of their launch, and much work done in that year, with a ceremony and time capsule embedding at Redwood Castle, Lorrha – it was here that in the winter of 1628/9 Micheál Ó Cléirigh, leader of the Four Masters, discussed his copy of the Law of Adomnán with Flann Mac Aodhagáin of the lawyer family at this castle. https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/54817550701/in/dateposted/ and LI 21C is at https://lexinnocentium21.ie/

European Peace Project’s Manifesto for Palestine

There will be various events in Ireland reading this aloud at 5pm Irish time on Friday 3rd October. See interactive map at https://europeanpeaceproject.eu/en/ Lex Innocentium 21C will hold a reading of the manifesto at the famine graveyard in Naas on Friday, 3rd October, at 5pm with KPSC; they will also make a filmed event on Sunday, 5th October at 12 noon at the Famine Memorial on Custom House Quay in Dublin, supported by a variety of organisations.  https://lexinnocentium21.ie/

Video of Desmond Greaves summer school session on neutrality

Focusing on political parties supporting Irish neutrality and the Triple Lock, a video of talks at this 6th September session “The future of Irish neutrality” is available at  https://youtu.be/ic8M7laOAuo chaired by Stephen Kelly of PANA. www.pana.ie

Harland & Wolff not ready to build UK warship

Most of the construction of the first of three Royal Navy supply vessels will now take place in Spain as Harland and Wolff in Belfast are not yet ready to build the midsection. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9v7rgxv3mdo#product-navigation-menu

WRI: New Worlds in Old Shells

War Resisters’ International (WRI) is launching a handbook, New Worlds in Old Shells, which explores how and why our movements can build vibrant, radical, liberating projects that meet the needs of their communities. The book will be published on 8th October and the launch webinar will be on 22nd October at 1pm Irish time. Info and registration at https://wri-irg.org/en/story/2025/new-worlds-old-shells-launch-webinar

World Beyond War: #NoWar2025: Exploring Abolition Movements

The #NoWar2025 conference of World Beyond War (WBW) takes place from Friday 24th – Sunday 26th October online with the theme of Exploring Abolition Movements (i.e. abolishing war and its trappings), details at https://worldbeyondwar.org/nowar2025/

Stop BY Nukes — Stop Belarus’s Nuclear Weapons

Belarusian group Our House is launching a campaign to draw attention to, and oppose, Russian nuclear weapons in Belarus. As they say “The deployment of Russian tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus has become a dangerous regional trigger — normalising nuclear threats and encouraging imitation. If the Belarus dimension is absent, European anti-nuclear advocacy risks sounding like a declaration of intent rather than a strategy.” Belarus was previously nuclear-free. https://news.house/

CGE annual report

The annual report from the Centre for Global Education in Belfast is available at https://www.centreforglobaleducation.com/ (under Publications) with much other material.

Síolta Chroí: Biodiveristy, Palestine solidarity meal

Síolta Chroí are hosting six  family days dedicated to gardening for biodiversity with the next ones on 11th and 25th October. On 3rd October there is Recipes for Solidarity, a community meal with conversations of Palestine and food sovereignty and donations will go to the Union of Agricultural Work Committees in Palestine, who have been working with farming communities since the 80’s to support agro-ecological food production. More events and details at https://sioltachroi.ie/

Editorials: Legacy, Finding our niche, Monitoring

Legacy: At least a little, nearly too late

Being left a legacy’ can be a pleasant part of the more unpleasant aftermath of a loved one’s death. But in Northern Ireland ‘legacy issues’ are the painful aftermath of thirty years or more of violent conflict. As an INNATE poster states, “The past is not water under the bridge – It is water filling a reservoir”. https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/posters/ There is nowhere that dealing with the aftermath of violent conflict is easy or pleasant and the path to dealing with it has been tortuously slow in Northern Ireland.

The Stormont House Agreement of 2014 remarkably achieved considerable support across the board on dealing the issue, although not unanimously (e.g. opposition from the Ulster Unionist Party). In a situation where ‘our’ victims are more important and more tragic than yours, getting relative agreement and buy in to a collective process is extremely difficult but vital in going forward. The structures of the 2014 agreement on dealing with the past looked a bit complicated but were a relatively comprehensive take on what was needed.

And then the British Tory government reneged on the agreement and failed to implement it or its spirit. Worse was to come when in 2023 the Conservatives introduced their very own Legacy Act, purportedly to be ‘realistic’ but actually to protect British soldiers and the British state from unwelcome publicity about their role in the Troubles, with an end to prosecutions. It had, in contrast to the 2014 agreement, support from no one in Northern Ireland apart from British Army veterans; this was an amazing piece of arrogance and self-interest by the British government in relation to Northern Ireland.

The recent agreement on legacy between the British and Irish governments takes us back close to the 2014 agreement but with different infrastructure. A Legacy Commission with independent oversight is being set up out of the 2023 Legacy Act’s ICRIR/Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery. A 2024 document from CAJ https://caj.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/CAJ-Reform-of-ICRIR-Report-November-24.pdf can be used for reference in examining the new structure. An Independent Commission on Information Retrieval will be set up on a cross-border basis. Inquests which had been halted by the 2023 Legacy Act will resume and there are other details to the agreement.

In the mean time there have been eleven largely wasted years when the families of those killed have grown older or died, and 2014 was itself sixteen years after the Good Friday Agreement. In the period since 2014, inquests were one feature which had worked in retrieving truth – and those had also been removed by the Tories’ 2023 Legacy Act.

The proof of the pudding will be in the eating. Gráinne Teggart of Amnesty International in the North said ““We will carefully examine this framework to assess whether it fully complies with the European Convention on Human Rights and whether it can genuinely deliver for victims. For too long, families have been met with secrecy, impunity and the denial of their right to truth, this must end.” Let us hope that there is indeed light at the end of this long and dark tunnel. Northern Ireland has enough problems to deal without being anchored to the past by unresolved violent tragedies and unendurable pain for those who have suffered and their loved ones.

Finding our niche

The world is in such a sorry mess that it is hard to know where and what we should be doing. ‘Making the world a better place’ and not a total disaster for our descendents (literal or metaphorical) seems such a tall order that finding our own place can be difficult and what we end up doing can be accidental – perhaps somebody needed something doing some time and we enjoyed doing it and thought it worthwhile and continued (and that is not necessarily a bad way to get in to doing things).

Presumably many of those reading this will already have not only found their niche but already feel over-involved. Setting parameters to our involvement is often exceedingly difficult but is necessary for our own preservation, to avoid burnout and give us some quality of life. We should not be aiming for martyrdom.

However even if we do have our involvements, reviewing our engagement can be very worthwhile. What do we consider the most important issues around at any level (international, national, local)? Where can we possibly make a difference or at least a stand that is important? And can we balance one kind of involvement with another, e.g. working for world peace (macro level) while being involved with anti-racism or migrant support (micro level)?

There are many different kinds of personality, and we undoubtedly have widely varying interests. How can we match our individuality with what needs done? Of course doing new things and pushing out our own boundaries is good, and it is never too late to learn new skills or approaches. And it is also a question of what is already being done and what is left undone. If something is already ‘being done’ can we make a difference and push things further or are we better to set out on something new which no one is doing? Our personality and skills level count in this regard; are we happy striking out into the unknown or are we much better as part of a team?

It can be difficult to review our own involvement for a variety of reasons including the simple one that others may not give us feedback. Sometimes we have to step back and read between the lines – and possibly even the lies. But we should also know how to take, and acknowledge to ourselves, compliments which are made about our work. And we can ask for feedback which may be important in helping us whether to continue on a particular path or not.

One choice we have to make – though it may also be made for us – is whether we work full time and paid in the field we wish to be primarily engaged politically or socially. Most of us cannot. Peace (work), for example, does not, except in very particular circumstances, pay. So we then have to work out our work/voluntary work/family balance and that can be a very difficult one to juggle if we have a partner who is less engaged and children or elderly parents who need attention and support.

We also need to consider our ‘job satisfaction’ in our involvements. Every job or involvement is likely to come with certain things needing doing which are boring or not what we particularly want to be doing. That is life. But we do need to assess both our overall satisfaction and our perceived effectiveness. It is important to state here that ‘effectiveness’ can be measured in many different ways and success (cf Bill Moyer, Movement Action Plan, for which you can word search) is not a straightforward path. ‘Success’ might be in raising an issue rather than getting it resolved to your satisfaction – we are not miracle workers.

Time out’ is valuable in allowing us to reflect and replenish. Speaking to friends, loved ones and colleagues may help us with our thinking. Building the future is a difficult task but it is one which can be done with enthusiasm, imagination and good humour – if we are in ‘the right place’ both physically and metaphorically. We all have our place to play and it is a team effort, even if we work apart.

May you and your involvements flourish.

Monitoring the situation

Nonviolent approaches are very diverse and include both activist intervention and third party conciliation, mediation or other forms of activity. One of these third party interventions is monitoring or observing situations of conflict or potential conflict but there are many different approaches within this – the range is explored in a checklist at www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/25987023457/in/album-72157629555375796 (part of an album on monitoring, accompaniment and unarmed civilian protection) The terms monitoring’ and ‘observing’ can be used by different people to denote slightly different approaches but generally the terms are interchangeable.

Every technique or approach in life has its strengths and weaknesses. Monitoring can actually be an important tool in some circumstances both in helping avoid trouble developing and in being able to tell a relatively unbiased account of what happened if trouble did indeed develop, and possibly feed back to the parties involved what they could have done better. It has been used in Northern Ireland extensively in relation to parades as well as some other situations. The recent development of a Network of Legal Observers in the Republic [See Nonviolent News 332] is very welcome and legal observing watches the servants of the state, in this case the police/Gardaí to see whether they are acting as they should.

Monitoring is not a panacea. If bombs and bullets are flying, as they were often doing in the Troubles in the North, or there is all out rioting, monitors could potentially see some of what is happening and record it, hopefully from a safe distance, but their presence is unlikely to make a jot of difference to how people behave. Accompaniment of people at risk is another part of this general approach in what can be collectively called ‘Unarmed Civilian Protection”. This whole area however has much potential in situations of racial tension and possible attacks.

The neutrality or impartiality of monitors is an issue. For example, monitors could be deployed in situations of racial tension, attack or potential attack where the intention is to help protect those seen as racially different or at risk. However in this situation the monitors would presumably record what they saw, without fear or favour, about race rioters or demonstrators, police, any counter-protesters etc. Thus ‘on the ground’ they would be impartial but the reason for them being there would be from a desire to help avoid racial trouble or attacks. On parading issues in the North some monitoring organisations were essentially solidarity organisations with one side or another and in these cases they were not ‘impartial’ on the ground. But in any case there is no such thing as ‘value free’ monitoring – or indeed any other form of third party intervention.

The extent to which monitors can intervene, and in what way, also varies considerably They are not mediators but, depending on the model involved, they might take on a limited intervention mode, e.g. suggesting a course of action to police or other parties to de-escalate a situation or avoid problems arising. Mediation Northern Ireland in its involvement had a model of passing information up the line and possible intervention by senior people. Monitor training emphasises that monitors remain human beings and if they feel that, as a human being, they need to do something which perhaps steps outside of their monitoring role then they should do it (e.g. offering protection to someone scared or at risk, if this isn’t already ‘within role’) – and any repercussions can be picked up on later.

The diversity of monitoring as an approach is reflected in INNATE’s photo album on the topic at https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/albums/72157629555375796/ which includes a listing of written resources in the introduction at the start (click on ‘Read more’ and scroll down). INNATE continues to be involved in promoting and training in monitoring and is happy to try to answer any queries people have, or point them in the right direction. It is a field of endeavour which, fortunately or unfortunately given its role in relation to low level conflict, will continue to deserve attention and action.

Eco-Awareness with Larry Speight: The new colonial power

Larry Speight brings us his monthly column –

The new colonial power

Reading the recently republished book Decolonising the Mind (1986) by the award-winning Kenyan author Ngugi Wa Thiong’o prompted me to think about the ways, if any, the predominant western mindset has been colonised by the powers that hold sway over our life.

Thiong’o’s thesis is that the minds of African people, who are not the descendants of European settlers, have been colonised by the language of the countries that ruled over their continent of 54 countries through military might. Language is more than a medium of communication but a means of transmitting culture. (The only country that was not colonised by a European power is Liberia which was formed by emancipated slaves in 1847.)

Colonialism, which did not end in the 1960s as widely believed, not only seeks to retain control of the lands of the subjected people in order to exploit what they would call natural resources, the labour and ingenuity of the oppressed people but seeks to erase their culture. This includes farming methods, systems of wealth distribution, sense of community and their understanding of humankind’s place in nature which of course we are an integral part.

From the 1500s onwards the British, Dutch, French, German and Portuguese sought to eradicate indigenous cultures leaving no trace that they ever existed. In many regions such as Australia, the Americas, islands in the Pacific and Caribbean they succeeded in their efforts. Where physical extermination was not possible, or desirable from the perspective of the colonisers wanting cheap labour and consumers, they sought cultural annihilation through using language and religion to create a mindset that aligned with that of the colonist whilst ensuring that the subjected peoples were imbued with a sense of abiding inferiority vis-a-via their overlords.

As Thiong’o writes the: “most important area of domination was the mental universe of the colonised, the control, through culture, of how people perceived themselves and their relationship with the world. Economic and political control can never be complete or effective without mental control.”

Formal education and religion have for centuries been used to imprint a cosmology on minds. These two powerful agents of socialisation were joined in the course of the twentieth century by radio, cinema and television with large companies influencing spending habits through psychologically scripted advertisements, sponsored TV shows while the dissemination of the cultural values of the dominant paradigm were imbedded across the mass media output.

At the time of broadcast the imbedded values and depictions of how the world is thought to be might for some have been hard to detect as they were considered to be accurate and authentic and as ordinary as the wallpaper in our living room that we don’t see. However, looking at archival material many of the cultural views are blatantly obvious. John Wayne films are a case in point. In these films, which span three decades, women are depicted as less capable than men, the indigenous peoples of the U.S. as unruly, violent and malicious and black people are largely absent and when they have a presence play subservient roles.

The question we need to ask is who is colonising our minds today and with what cosmology. The three main disseminators of cultural values and norms in the twentieth century have been joined by a fourth, the internet which is dominated by what is called artificial intelligence (AI).

The internet is in the command of powerful companies such as Apple, Amazon, Meta, Microsoft, OpenAI and Alphabet the parent company of Google. A few decades ago, these companies did not exist but today they own approximately twenty percent of the global economy and their CEOs are billionaires. They are not benevolent or ideologically neutral but have an intrinsic interest in maintaining the international economic order in its present form, increasing the financial profits they derive from it and the political and cultural influence their wealth brings. In terms of their reach, power and financial resources they can rightly be considered as imperial powers.

Whereas the nationalist-based empires of the past 500-years sought compliance from the people they subjugated by the imposition of their culture through language and the disempowering message of religion as embodied in the idea of a saviour and moral unworthiness, the digital colonial powers seek a different outcome.

This is one in which people hold that convenience is the gold-standard of the good life and the way this is obtained is through ownership and mastery of digital devices. Part of the lure is the sense of control digital technology gives people over their life. The newer the device, such as a smartphone, the more convenience they feel they have enabling them to do things that once were the reserve of mythological gods such as talking face to face with people on the other side of the world.

Although the outcomes the imperial powers seek appear to have changed from one of inducing a sense of powerlessness and inferiority in the people they reigned over to people having a sense of control over their life the essentials in regard to how we view and interact with nonhuman nature have not changed.

The modus operandi of the transnational companies and the majority of governments most of the time is to treat nonhuman nature as a warehouse of resources for humans to use without regard to consequences. In response to science highlighting the ecological folly of this and in countering people’s negative life-changing experiences of climate breakdown, loss of biodiversity and multiple types of pollution, the imperialist powers have it seems succeeded in persuading the majority of people that a thing dubbed green technology will enable us to continue to gobble-up the Earth with a clear conscience on the basis of the belief that there is no alternative to consumer capitalism.

In the digital age the colonised mind is one in which peoples’ ability to formulate a view of humankind’s place in the world on the basis of verifiable evidence underpinned by active compassion for all, including nonhuman life-forms, has been anaesthetised.

l An A4 mini-poster for home printing on colonisation of the mind, based on the above piece, is available at https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Colonisation-mind-1.pdf and in the general posters section of the INNATE website https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/posters/

The Peace Line – Digital nonviolence

 

with Kate Laverty

Digital nonviolence: Responding to online hate without fuelling the fire

The interfaces are no longer just brick walls or painted peace lines—they are timelines, comment sections, and WhatsApp groups. In Belfast, as in so many places, the conflicts of the street are mirrored and magnified online. The click of the “share” button can escalate just as quickly as a clenched fist. A post can travel faster than a stone, and the damage can cut deeper.

We saw it this summer when young people in Ballymena were pushed to the front of riotous crowds. We have seen this recently in the wake of attacks in Connswater, Belfast, on the cars of delivery drivers. In both cases, the digital violence preceded and legitimised the physical. Hateful online comments did not just echo prejudice but gave it permission to grow.

Digital platforms are not neutral. The architecture of social media and digital surveillance can amplify division and restrict nonviolent action, creating environments where authoritarian or extremist messages gain traction. Constant use of electronic devices may impair the ability to take responsibility for conduct, manage one’s emotions, and develop strong bonds of empathy for others. Nonviolence in this space does not mean silence. Silence, in fact, can become complicity. It means choosing carefully how to respond so that we do not pour fuel on the fire. Digital nonviolence asks: What am I amplifying? Who benefits from my outrage? Whose humanity am I seeing—or refusing to see—when I respond?

Martin Luther King Jr. emphasised that nonviolence is not passive; it is active resistance to evil. It takes strength to respond with calm and understanding rather than a snarky comment or insult online. In my work, I underline the importance of seeking to win friendship and understanding, aiming for redemption and reconciliation rather than defeating individuals. In the digital realm, this means focusing on the issues and injustices at hand, not attacking the person delivering the message.

But the temptation to “clap back” is strong, especially for young people immersed in a culture of instant reaction. Yet the most powerful responses are often the ones that shift the rhythm instead of matching the beat. Sometimes that means calling out hate with humour, or choosing to spotlight kindness instead of cruelty. Sometimes it means refusing to repeat the words of hate, and instead telling the story of the people targeted.

Digital nonviolence is not only about restraining harmful responses—it can also be a powerful tool to amplify positive change. Online platforms allow individuals and communities to gain traction for causes rooted in justice, compassion, and empathy. Campaigns that spotlight human stories, mobilise volunteers, or share evidence-based solutions can create momentum without inciting anger or division.

Across the world, movements have shown how digital platforms can become instruments of nonviolent resistance. During the Arab Spring, activists in Tunisia and Egypt used Facebook and Twitter to organise peaceful demonstrations and document abuses in real time, proving that information itself can be a form of power. In the United States, the #BlackLivesMatter movement leveraged viral videos and hashtags to draw global attention to systemic injustice, turning outrage into education, advocacy, and solidarity without violence. Extinction Rebellion and digital feminist campaigns have demonstrated that online tools can coordinate lawful civil action, amplify marginalised voices, and foster international networks of support. Even under oppressive conditions, such as the pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong, encrypted messaging and online forums enabled citizens to mobilise safely and strategically.

Taken together, these examples illustrate that digital nonviolence is not passive—it is deliberate, creative, and deeply strategic, allowing communities to resist, organise, and build power without ever raising a fist. By carefully curating messages, using hashtags strategically, and engaging respectfully with audiences, nonviolent actors can turn the speed and reach of digital spaces into instruments of constructive influence. In this way, the internet becomes a stage for creative resistance, where attention is harnessed to lift voices rather than crush them.

In Belfast, community groups have already begun modelling this approach: highlighting solidarity vigils instead of hateful graffiti, amplifying the voices of young peacemakers instead of those stirring division, and teaching youth that “likes” are not worth the loss of dignity. Detached youth workers, when funded and supported, play a critical role here: standing in the gaps, reminding young people that what they post is part of who they are becoming and what they are creating for their community.

Digital nonviolence is not passive—it is creative resistance. As a nonviolent practitioner, my role is to bring awareness to this reality, to help young people recognise the structures that shape their digital behaviour, and to guide them toward choices that sustain empathy, justice, and human dignity.

Forthspring website is at https://www.forthspring.org/

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Readings in Nonviolence: How nonviolent action might save Gaza

Introduction

The onslaught on Gaza by the Israeli state and military has created a real hell on earth with starvation used as a weapon of war and destruction, death and displacement being the common experience, and no safe place to go to. In such a situation with ‘our’ states only slowly realising they should do ‘something’ – but continually dithering on what they might do – and the United States backing Israel and Israeli annihilation to the hilt of their terrible sword, we can feel powerless despite perpetual demonstrations and solidarity actions. In this article by Charles Webel there is consideration of what could be done nonviolently on an international basis. The article is taken from the 29th September 2025 edition of Transcend Media Service https://www.transcend.org/tms/2025/09/how-nonviolent-action-might-save-gaza/

How nonviolent action might save Gaza

By Charles Webel, Ph.D.

In Gaza we are witnessing an absolute hell’, UN Secretary-General António Guterres declared in August 2025. With over 60 000 people killed – the vast majority civilians, including thousands of children – Gaza has become the most severe test of international humanitarian law since the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Yet, as diplomatic paralysis grips the Security Council, the world’s most important protection doctrine remains unused.

The UN’s Responsibility to Protect (R2P) could offer a pathway forward, but only if applied through comprehensive nonviolent action rather than failed military paradigms.

A nonviolent framework for protection

R2P emerged from the international community’s failure to prevent genocide in Rwanda and in Bosnia between 1992 and 1995. This doctrine rests on three pillars: states must protect their populations; the international community must assist them; and when states manifestly fail, collective action becomes necessary. Crucially, R2P doesn’t authorise military intervention at will — it demands proportionate, multilateral responses that prioritise prevention and respect international law.

Gaza presents a textbook R2P case. The International Court of Justice found a plausible case that Israel may be committing genocidal acts. Hamas’s October 7 attack in Israel clearly violated international humanitarian law. But with entire neighbourhoods in ruins, infrastructure decimated, and over a million people facing displacement and famine, Gazan civilians are systematically deprived of life’s necessities. When one party to a conflict possesses overwhelming military superiority and civilians suffer mass atrocities, R2P becomes urgent — regardless of nationality or political affiliation.

Traditional military interventions have failed repeatedly in this region. Libya’s 2011 experience showed how R2P’s military application can worsen conflicts rather than resolve them. Gaza thus demands a different approach: sustained nonviolent intervention that protects civilians immediately while addressing the root causes of the Israeli/Palestinian conflict.

The international community must treat humanitarian access as non-negotiable, employing coordinated diplomatic pressure to ensure that sufficient aid reaches civilians. This means establishing internationally-monitored humanitarian corridors to and within Gaza and demanding unrestricted medical supply access. The UN Security Council should authorise civilian protection missions composed of unarmed international observers whose presence may deter violence and who document abuses. While air drops of supplies serve as interim measures, ground access remains essential for sustained civilian protection.

Sustainable civilian protection comes from empowered communities, not external force.

Military intervention by outside powers in Gaza remains politically untenable and ethically fraught. However, deploying unarmed international observers – human rights monitors, legal experts and civilian protection teams – has proven effective from South Sudan to the West Bank. An International Civilian Protection Corps, trained in nonviolent intervention and conflict de-escalation, should be established immediately. Their presence along humanitarian corridors could reduce attacks on aid convoys while providing transparent documentation of human rights violations by all parties.

Moreover, mass atrocity crimes demand serious consequences. The International Criminal Court must investigate all violations of international humanitarian law, regardless of perpetrators. Targeted sanctions on leaders and entities responsible for war crimes should follow from the UN Security Council, General Assembly or individual states. However, punitive approaches must be complemented by truth and reconciliation processes that address collective trauma. Impunity breeds repetition: accountability deters, but reconciliation heals.

Countries with close ties to Israel bear special responsibility. The United States provides approximately $3.8 billion annually in military aid to Israel. Making this assistance conditional on humanitarian access and civilian protection compliance could put immediate pressure on Israel. Clear red lines – targeting civilians, denying humanitarian access, expanding illegal settlements – should trigger major diplomatic and economic consequences for Israel. States influencing Hamas or other militant groups in Gaza must face similar pressure to uphold international human rights norms.

Lastly, civilian protection also requires addressing root causes. Gaza’s economic strangulation fuels desperation and conflict. Targeted development aid, support for Palestinian economic and political sovereignty and pressure to lift Israeli restrictions on aid that serves no legitimate security purpose are essential. Simultaneously, Palestinian and Israeli civil society organisations working for peace need adequate funding, international accompaniment and amplified voices. Sustainable civilian protection comes from empowered communities, not external force.

The uniting for peace alternative

When the UN Security Council remains deadlocked by veto-wielding powers prioritising strategic interests over humanitarian principles, the General Assembly can act. UN Resolution 377 (V) ‘Uniting for Peace’, adopted in 1950, allows the Assembly to consider matters immediately when the Security Council fails due to permanent members’ vetoes. The resolution enables recommendations for collective measures, including armed force, when necessary, to maintain international peace and security.

Historical applications reveal both potential and limitations. The Suez Crisis in 1956 marked the mechanism’s greatest success — Britain and France complied with General Assembly withdrawal demands following international isolation, leading to the first UN peacekeeping force. Conversely, the Soviet Union completely ignored Assembly calls for Afghanistan withdrawal in 1980, demonstrating this Resolution’s potential impotence against determined major powers.

Most relevant to Gaza is the ongoing Tenth Emergency Special Session on Palestine, convened in 1997 and now the longest-running emergency session in UN history. Despite numerous UN resolutions condemning Israeli settlement activities by overwhelming margins (131-3-14 in 1997), Israel has refused compliance and expressed contempt for Assembly decisions. While achieving symbolic victories like Palestine’s upgraded UN observer status in 2024, fundamental objectives remain unfulfilled after nearly three decades.

Yet, even ‘failed’ applications of Assembly resolutions create legal foundations for future accountability measures and diplomatic isolation. The overwhelming support for Ukraine UN Assembly resolutions (141 countries) demonstrates the potential for broad international consensus when states and NGOs are properly mobilised.

Overcoming Israeli opposition

Israel’s strategic relationship with major powers creates for many of its actions significant protective barriers against meaningful international pressure. However, systematic nonviolent strategies might help overcome this resistance.

Economic leverage provides immediate tools. Beyond conditional or suspended US military aid to Israel, targeted sanctions on Israeli officials blocking humanitarian aid or targeting civilians, modelled on Magnitsky-style legislation, could create personal consequences for perpetrators of human rights violations.

Corporate accountability through divestment campaigns and supply chain disruptions might initiate transparency requirements that pressure companies profiting from the Israeli occupation of Palestine.

Gaza’s people deserve more than temporary ceasefires between devastating violence and famine.

As recently announced by EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, the EU has suspended bilateral support to Israel and proposed sanctions on ‘extremist ministers’ and violent settlers, thereby demonstrating how multinational entities can apply coordinated economic pressure even when individual member states remain divided. As Israel’s primary trading partner, representing 32 per cent of its overall trade, EU actions carry significant economic weight.

Legal strategies multiply these pressure points. The General Assembly can request International Court of Justice advisory opinions on the legal consequences of Israeli policies. Universal jurisdiction prosecutions in domestic courts for war crimes could create global accountability risks for perpetrators of war crimes and other violations of human rights. Enhanced International Criminal Court cooperation with major powers could facilitate the investigation of all such violations.

Multilateral diplomatic isolation by regional bodies – the African Union, the Arab League and others – of suspected Israeli human rights violators may put pressure on Israeli decision makers to change course. Israel could also be suspended from specific UN bodies or international organisations until its compliance with UN resolutions and international law, as was done with apartheid South Africa. Third-party mediation through neutral countries like Norway or Ireland offers alternatives to failed US-dominated initiatives.

The time for action is now

Gaza’s people deserve more than temporary ceasefires between devastating violence and famine. They deserve an international community committed to their protection through patient, principled nonviolent action.

The tools exist. The legal framework is clear. R2P provides normative authority, Uniting for Peace offers procedural pathways, and successful nonviolent campaigns – from the Palestinian First Intifada in 1987 to anti-apartheid movements – demonstrate the potential efficacy of multilateral action. What’s missing is the political will by global superpowers to move beyond failed military paradigms toward sustained nonviolent initiatives.

Success demands unprecedented coordination among international organisations, civil society and individual activists — moving beyond state-centric protection toward comprehensive strategies addressing Palestinians’ immediate humanitarian needs while building lasting mechanisms for resolving the Israeli/Palestinian conflict.

Gaza can become either another failure of international protection or a testimony to nonviolent intervention’s transformative power.

Billy King: Rites Again, 333

Billy King shares his monthly thoughts

Hello – When I was writing my piece in the last issue about flagitis, the unfortunate and debilitating condition of using flags for ethno-nationalist purposes, I hadn’t referred to the fact that the disease had spread to the 26 counties, the Re:Public. This was remiss of me. The epidemic does not seem to be as widespread south and west of the border in Ireland but it is still present in many places, and it seems quite a virulent and nasty disease. I was writing about how it, obviously, has been endemic in the North but now spread to Britain where it seems to have spread like wildfire.

I hope that sensible precautions being taken will mean that it does not affect so many people and areas in the Republic; many people are already acting to welcome, and express welcome for, newcomers – who are actually needed as important parts of the economy and society. However we need to continue our research on developing effective vaccines for this terrible affliction of flagitis which poisons the whole of society.

And here we are with issue No.333 of this e-steamed publication. It is highly unlikely that it will ever reach issue 666, the supposed mark of the Divil himself, or indeed No.999 – at which point shouting ‘Help!’ might be appropriate – and at the current rate of production the latter would be sixty-odd years away. Anyway, on with my contribution to No.333…..

Jaw jaw and war war

The title of this piece is a reference to Winston Churchill’s supposed dictum that jaw jaw is better than war war, though it appears he actually said “Meeting jaw to jaw is better than war” and it was Harold Macmillan, another British PM, who actually said the “jaw, jaw…war, war” bit. In any case it is not a piece of advice Churchill necessarily observed himself.

Another relevant anecdote is about the man sprinkling salt on city pavements. When asked by a passerby what he was doing he said “It’s to keep away alligators.” The passerby responded “But there are no alligators!” and the salt sprinkler said “Exactly!” The absence of something does not prove a particular reason for that absence.

However you may have noted Donald Trump’s recent claim to have stopped a war between Cambodia and Armenia, two countries some thousands of miles apart who would be largely unaware of each other’s existence let alone engaging in armed conflict. He had however been involved with partially ending Thai-Cambodian clashes and for that we can be thankful (for small mercies which is what we are likely to get at best from the current US administration). Obama was – mistakenly – given a Nobel Peace Prize at the start of his presidency, something totally out of kilter with what the Nobel Prize for Peace is about. I have previously covered what the Nobel Peace Prize was meant to be about but hasn’t been, e.g. https://www.innatenonviolence.org/billyking/bk206.shtml However Trump’s response to some intemperate comments from a prominent Russian political figure was to send two nuclear submarines across the Atlantic and in my book that should automatically exclude him. But he continues to try to prise a Prize from the Nobel committee when his due is more a Nobel Piece of Rubbish Prize.

Trump’s UN claim to have ended seven conflicts is examined in more detail by different sources, e.g. https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2025/sep/23/donald-trump/trump-ended-seven-wars-un-general-assembly/ which concludes “The status of the seven conflicts — and the nature of Trump’s role in easing them — are more varied and tenuous than his statement portrays. We rate it Mostly False.” It is not that he and his administration have done nothing but that in none of these has he ended ‘unendable’ wars. We note that the USA uses its military muscle – with the best part of a thousand military bases around the world including, de facto, Shannon Airport – primarily for its own ends. But can he stop or will he start a very uncivil civil war in the USA?

Oul books: Patriarchy in Ire-land

One of the features of being old, not necessarily a unique feature however, is that you may possess lots of books which are also oul – read, unread, half read, dog-eared, or even in pristine condition, and ranging from much treasured volumes through to those which raise questions about your state of mind at the time of purchase. Even occasional purges of those you definitely don’t want to keep, to the hoped for benefit of a local charity shop, doesn’t seem to do the trick in keeping them under control. And we all want, but seldom, achieve, Control.

Anyway, I thought it might be illuminating in this column – for me anyway [ !!!! – Ed] – to occasionally explore some of the oul books I have hanging about. The first to hand is Mary Condren’s “The Serpent and the Goddess: Women, Religion and Power in Celtic Ireland” first published in 1989 and then in Ireland in 2002 by New Island Books and this had a lengthy new introduction. The book is a wide-ranging dissection of religion, culture and patriarchy in Ireland – with wider significance I could add.

When I hear the term ‘patriarchy’ I think of many things, including numerous different aspects of violence and it is this that is the most relevant in the pages of Nonviolent News and which I will concentrate on here. But I also think ofpaytriarchy’ as in “Remember the Golden Rule – He who has the gold makes the rules.” The victims of patriarchy are primarily women but, and to a much lesser extent and in a different way, men are denied or deny becoming the whole people that they could be. But on to Mary Condren’s book which is a study in partriarchalisation [Is that another of your made up words? – Ed] [Maybe, but you know what I mean so it’s a viable word – Billy].

The story about St Patrick banishing snakes from Ireland is an interesting one because Mary Condren shows ‘the serpent’ as a symbol of old matriarchal and pre-monotheistic religions. The story is thus not just one of Patrick performing a miracle in banishing animals who weren’t here anyway but in banishing old pagan religions. Christianity was stamping its mark and stamping out snakes. But – snakes alive?! There are also some illuminating insights on Brigid, goddess and saint (both of these).

I am now going to be give a few quotes, to some extent out of context, which talk about patriarchy and militarism, and this piece is not a review of the book, merely picking up some points made on the themes involved. You can search out the original for the full meaning and context.

Contact with women could weaken men’s potency when engaging in their two most powerful activities – hearing the word of God or going to war. In this we can see a very clear connection between the development of a militaristic culture and the development of a new male identity independent of the world of women or the world women had represented.” (page 18, 2002 edition).

Quoting some of Kuno Meyer’s writing on Adamnán makes a fascinating sub-text to the Law of the Innocents (page 52 and following). The mythology involved is too complex and long to include here but Mary Condren concludes “The story reflects a time when Irish women were greatly oppressed by the warrior elitist society. Christianity had come, yet obviously the priests, like Adamnán, needed drastic measures of persuasion before being prevailed upon to confront the ruling classes….”

In a chapter on clerical celibacy, she writes (page 145) “In the more stable from of politics, singular heroic acts would not be enough to support an ongoing kingly reign. What was needed was a much more reliable marriage of politics and religion that could be called upon at a moment’s notice. Standing armies would be one way of solving the political problem, but in the new arrangements between church and state, and with a church hierarchical structure based upon a military model, more symbolic changes would be needed……The priests, in effect, became the new heroes of the society. Previously their “heroic deeds” in the service of God simply would have been proof of great holiness. Now their great power enabled them to confer religious authority upon the kings…..male priests….became a permanent caste of heroes with a monopoly on religious power.”

And one of Mary Condren’s conclusions (page 198) is that “Instead of monotheism, we now have the working strategy of unquestioning obedience to military authority, which continues to sustain various forms of patriarchal power….Those soldiers willing to sacrifice their lives confer upon the military-industrial complex a new kind of theological status, that which represents the “whole” now that traditional religion seldom serves this purpose. Indeed, the inroads of secularism may have occasioned a “sacrificial crisis” or a “collapse of the sacrificial economy” in which the search for political absolutes now becomes dominant.” Seem familiar????

Anyway, the book is an oldie but a goldie and worth seeking out if you are interested in the themes explored – in great detail.

But I have a final thought arising from the book, and that is how the powers that be can dissemble and deceive. St Brigid’s Day has, for the last few years, been declared a public holiday in the Re:Public, the first named after/connected with a woman. Oh, how progressive! But does the Irish government pay one jot of attention to, let alone follow, what St Brigid was about? Peace, protection, mediation, welcoming, women’s assertiveness, all would be associated with Brigid. And what is Ireland doing? Cosying up to the Big Boys of militarism and power in NATO and EU militarisation, and doing less than the minimum for asylum seekers. So it is “Oh, how sad!” rather than “Oh, how progressive!”.

The wizard of ID

It takes some doing to get all the parties in de Nort agreed on anything but all seemed to support the idea that Keir Starmer’s proposed UK digital identity card, even if for a mobile phone, is a Bad Idea. And even if this ‘BritCard’ was slightly hidden and you only needed to have it with you for certain occasions or services, listing your nationality – Irish, British, Klingon – is Not A Good Idea in a contested-identity region like Northern Ireland. Commentators pointed to the difficulty for cross-border workers. And unionists felt it would make no difference to immigration anyway – which, as you may know, is tiny in the North compared to the Republic or Britain and most other European countries/areas, despite the noise some of the right try to make to exploit the issue. However another unionist commentator said it was a mistake to reject the idea and playing into nationalist hands, presumably on the rationale that forcing people to have and/or carry British identification that they rejected was Good For The Union.

Identity cards have a chequered history in general. The public services card in the Re:Public might have been pushed further as a more general id card if people hadn’t pushed back against the Irish government’s moves on this. But in a society like Northern Ireland where the need is not to abolish people’s chosen identities but make those of less consequence than common humanity and mutual acceptance, it is a step backwards. Cue pictures of someone on a backstreet in the dark stopped by vigilantes or paramilitaries and asked to produce their id card. How it would actually be operationalised in Northern Ireland would be a nightmare but it would also be strange to leave the North out from an otherwise UK-wide scheme – but whether it will be identical remains to be seen.

We will wait and see what develops or founders on this, and opposition in Britain has been building. I pity any poor public servants tasked with introducing this in Northern Ireland, they would have a lot of sleepless nights on their hands; it is on the cards that it would not be very successful and any success that will be achieved will be hard won.

On another note about the UK, in a voting intentions survey or poll published in the 30/8/25 edition of the “i” newspaper, Nigel Farage’s Reform party had a 15% lead over Labour (35% to 20%) with the Conservatives on 17%; if replicated in four years time, the inequitable UK ‘first past the post’ voting system would give Reform a whopping majority… This might be welcomed by some Irish nationalists as likely leading to a united Ireland (it might) but it would actually be very bad news for the people of Norn Iron and Ireland as a whole with the likelihood of instability and chaos, whatever happened, with a far right English nationalist party in power in the UK. Any resultant transition to a united Ireland – and that couldn’t be assumed either – would be disorderly to say the least.

Speaking of the Wizard of Id, in the cartoons of that name my favourite is probably the one where the king is showing a visiting dignitary or neighbouring royalty around the kingdom. The visitor asks a peasant how they are doing and the peasant replies “I can’t complain.” A further question from the visitor about why they say that elicits the response – “It’s not allowed.” There are many dangers on this island and we are not at that stage but in many countries internationally authoritarianism is in the ascendant.

Well, that’s me for now as winter weather is ready to kick in. September wasn’t too bad but we didn’t get a summer-like ’Indian summer’, unfortunately, that sometimes comes in the earlier part of that month. The shops are now displaying their Christmas tat, sorry, wares, so the year moves on, and I will see you again soon. There will be a new president-elect in the Re-Public before I write again but I have already had my say on that, Billy.

News, September 2025

Irish Network of Legal Observers

This network is an initiative led by ICCL/Irish Council for Civil Liberties and the University of Galway; it is a group of people who have been trained to carry out legal observing of protests in Ireland. The Irish Network of Legal Observers is overseen by a Steering Committee comprised of international experts and academics working in the area of protest, public order policing, civic space and human rights. Legal observers are trained to monitor the policing of protest to ensure that Gardaí are operating within the law. Legal observers work to strengthen existing accountability mechanisms by having a visible presence at protests and monitoring, documenting, and filming actions of Gardaí and private security.  

Legal observers are recognised human rights defenders according to the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and the UN Human Rights Committee. There is an international obligation to permit legal observers to fulfil their role unhindered. Legal observers are independent and do not take part in the protest or in the organisation of the protest. Legal observers focus on the protest rights of those involved, rather than the issue that is being protested.

ICCL conducts legal observer trainings on a quarterly basis. Anyone who attends one of the trainings (three to four hours long held in different parts of the country), and upholds the terms of participation can be a legal observer; the next training is on 2nd October in Dublin. If interested in attending training contact Emily Williams of ICCL emily.williams@iccl.ie – she is also an organiser of the Network along with Dr Illan Wall, Irish Centre for Human Rights and School of Law, University of Galway, illan.wall@universityofgalway.ie  if you want to request legal observers for a protest. For more info see https://www.iccl.ie/iccl-irish-network-of-legal-observers/

Corrymeela 60 autumn events

There are a variety of events in different places commemorating the 60th anniversary of the founding of Corrymeela in 1965, making it the only peace and reconciliation group to pre-date the Troubles in Northern Ireland – and still going strong. Thursday 30th October: Luncheon at the Centre followed by An Anniversary Celebration in the Croí with Readings & Songs reflecting 60 years of Corrymeela. 1-2 Nov 2025: Shelter in the Storms Dublin programme in a collaborative learning experience for Corrymeela’s 60th, Glencree’s 50th, and Dublin’s North inner city community. Saturday 22nd November: Sounds Connected Fundraiser Concert featuring the premiere of ‘A Season to Sing’, a choral reimagining of Vivaldi’s The Four Seasons in Belfast Cathedral https://www.corrymeela.org/news/263/spectacular-choral-concert-a-season. Meanwhile Corrymeela has a summer fundraising appeal marking the 60th anniversary https://www.corrymeela.org/donate/donate-to-our-summer-2025-appeal You can also sign up on the website to receive Corrymeela’s monthly Community News with reports and news of upcoming events – and/or visit the website to find out more.

Adi Roche at Hiroshima commemoration

Commemorations of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings were held in Dublin, Galway and Tralee, see https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/54704583635/in/dateposted/ and another six photos beside that. The keynote speaker at the Dublin event was Adi Roche, Voluntary CEO of Chernobyl Children International https://www.chernobyl-international.com/ Included in a wide ranging talk she said “Current tensions around the globe show us that nuclear escalation is not a relic of the Cold War, but an increasing clear and present danger. Recent attacks on Iranian nuclear facilities is a very real example of such danger. We are regressing into a world in which the ‘rule of law’ is replaced by the ‘rule of power,’ with a destabilising new nuclear arms race. There can be no compromise on the issue of nuclear weapons…we either put an end to nuclear weapons, or they will put an end to us……Let us say loudly today on this 80th anniversary: ‘No to War! No to Nuclear Weapons! And Yes to Peace! Yes to Disarmament. Today we are taking a side. For we declare today we are taking the side of peace. No more Hiroshima’s! No more Nagasaki’s!” https://irishcnd.blogspot.com/

Amnesty International NI on criminalisation of peacful protest

In mid-August, Amnesty International (AI) NI director Patrick Corrigan said “The PSNI must uphold people’s right to protest against the genocide being perpetrated in Gaza.The police must be clear that they have obligations under the Human Rights Act and international law to facilitate the right to peaceful protest. Carrying out arrests for peaceful expression on this issue would be a violation of international human rights law. Instead of criminalising peaceful demonstrators, the UK Government should be focusing on taking immediate action to put a stop to Israel’s genocide.”   This followed the arrest of a woman in Belfast for supposedly supporting UK terror law banned Palestine Action. https://www.amnesty.org.uk/issues/Northern-Ireland AI subsequently launched a global ‘urgent action’ to protect the right to protest of over 700 people arrested for peacefully protesting in the UK in support of Palestine Action.

Manifesto for Peace and Recognition for Palestine

The European Peace Project (EPP), a loose network of groups and individuals, is organising a Manifesto for Peace and Recognition for Palestine to be read or declared across Europe at 5.00 p.m. on the 3rd of October.  Again, Lex Innocentium will arrange a public event to read this manifesto (as it did with the Declaration of a Manifesto for Peace in Europe on 8th May). See https://europeanpeaceproject.eu and you can contact Lex Innocentium 21st Century at lexinnocentium21@gmail.com

Ireland must join the Hague group – Afri and Comhlámh

Afri and Comhlámh are asking all civil society organisations to sign up to an urgent open letter to TDs and Senators calling on Ireland to join the Hague Group to end complicity in the genocide of the Palestinian People. A coalition of nations, the Hague Group led by South Africa and Colombia, has pledged to take concrete steps to end complicity in genocide and uphold international law, with specific concrete steps to end arms transfers, stop military transit, enforce shipping control, cut state support for occupation, pursue justice and enable domestic prosecutions. Thirteen countries have already signed up. Your organisation can sign the letter before 10th September with 20th September a deadine for Ireland to join. Go to https://www.afri.ie/ and then to ‘News and events’ on the home page, or go to https://comhlamh.org/ and scroll down to ‘News’.

Foreign military bases are spreading – as is resistance to them

World Beyond War (WBW) has issued a new report on foreign military bases https://worldbeyondwar.org/basesreport2025/While U.S. bases are in 95 foreign countries all over the globe and virtually encircling the borders of Russia and China, the nation with the second-most foreign bases, Türkiye, has them all near Türkiye, with the exception of one base in Somalia, and the majority of them in Syria and Iraq where Türkiye has been waging wars. During U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States added, and later closed, hundreds of bases. Türkiye and the U.S. are allied members of NATO and weapons traders, and the United States maintains a military presence at nine bases within Türkiye, at one of which it keeps nuclear weapons. The only other nation on Earth with even a tenth as many foreign military bases as the United States is the United States’ very closest military ally, the United Kingdom, some of whose bases are joint U.S.-UK operations. The combined foreign military bases of the top three nations on the list, NATO members all, total 1,127. The fourth nation on the list, NATO’s raison d’être, Russia, has 29 foreign military bases. These are all found in 10 countries, all of which are near Russia, apart from one base in Sudan.”

As WBW states “Bases are often on stolen land and often perpetuate systems of segregation and colonialism. They do incredible environmental damage, tend to increase sexual violence and drunkenness, cost a financial fortune, prop up brutal governments, and facilitate drone attacks and wars.“ The full report is available at the above link, with other news on their website including their #NoWar2025 conference, 24th-26th October on Zoom, exploring abolition movements.

Tools for Solidarity: In the van-guard

Global solidarity organisation Tools for Solidarity is crowd-funding to acquire a new electric van as they use a van for ‘everything’ and their old one’s durability has van-ished. Tools for Solidarity is a not for profit voluntary charitable organisation based in Belfast and relies on donations of tools, sewing machines and volunteers to sustain the work of supporting artisans in sub Sahara Africa to increase their income generation and improve the quality of their lives and that of their communities. They are also involved in other work locally. See https://www.crowdfunder.co.uk/p/tools-for-solidarity-3

FOE UK: Planet Protectors pack for children

Friends of the Earth UK has a Planet Protectors Pack for children with activities, games and stickers, and plastic free. It is available for a donation at https://friendsoftheearth.uk/donate/have-fun-together-get-your-planet-protectors-pack-today?dm_i=78W4,2O2ZK,1RRHI4,7BK2U,1 and any profits go to FOE work. If ordering from outside the UK postal area please be aware of high UK international postage charges, or enquire about postage.

PCI: Materials on the conflict in Sudan and role of women

The conflict and war in Sudan with its huge and devastating effects trundles on, mainly unreported in the media, mainstream or social. Materials from Pax Christi International programme about the situation, “Sudan Speaks: Voices from a Forgotten Crisis and Hopes for Peace” can be found on the Pax Christi International website with video and downloadable slides; the final webinar of the series of three is on 22nd September. Go to https://paxchristi.net/webinars-sudan-speaks The Pax Christi annual report for 2024 is also available on their website at https://paxchristi.net/2024-annual-report-standing-together-for-nonviolence-and-just-peace/ while you can also read about the Catholic Nonviolence Initiative by clicking that title on the menu bar of the home page.

FOE NI: A5, Lough Neagh

Friends of the Earth in Northern Ireland welcomed the court judgement on the A5 upgrade and argue that “Nearly £2 billion is far too much money to waste on one new road project. That money should be used in a more clever and strategic way. Around £1 billion can fund better transport. Firstly to upgrade the existing A5 and secondly to open up new rail and bus services to connections to the west of Northern Ireland.” The dire state of Lough Neagh and political ineffectiveness in dealing with the issue is the subject of a petition to the First Minister and Deputy First Minister demanding community ownership and real protection and restoration https://action.friendsoftheearth.uk/petition/help-save-uks-largest-lake-lough-neagh?dm_i=78W4,2O4TS,1RRHI4,7BQX5,1 And see https://friendsoftheearth.uk/northern-ireland

Neutrality and Triple Lock session at Desmond Greaves

The Desmond Greaves weekend summer school in central Dublin, 5th – 7th September, sees the session on Saturday afternoon, 6th September at 2.30pm, on the future of Irish neutrality with representatives of political parties opposing the abolition of the Triple Lock, and the chair for the session will be Stephen Kelly, chair of PANA/Peace And Neutrality Alliance. Individual sessions are €10, concessions half price. See https://www.greavesschool.ie/ for details.

CRIS fun and fundraiser

CRIS/Community Relations in Schools has a fundraiser at the Balmoral Hotel, Belfast on Friday 17th October with a fancy dress quiz and disco and night of trivia, dancing, themed decor, treats and prizes; proceeds will support CRIS’ ongoing peacebuilding work. See https://www.tickettailor.com/events/communityrelationsinschools/1826574 and the CRIS website is at https://www.crisni.org/

Editorial: Inaction on racism is not an option

The forces of racism are organising and waiting to pounce, that should be obvious (Northern Ireland figures show a considerable rise in reported racist crimes and incidents). Right wing ideology seeks to exploit any incidence, real or imagined, of wrongdoing by migrants, people who have come here from elsewhere seeking to make a better life – like Irish emigrants have done for many generations elsewhere – possibly escaping from terrible conditions and threats of injury or death in their home countries. The right wing may seek to crack down on crime but they don’t single out the fact that the vast majority of crime on this island is committed by indigenous Irish/Northern Irish people; that doesn’t suit their agenda which is scapegoating, creating fear, and seeking to win support by that means.

Racism is inherently violent because it portrays other people as less human, less capable, less moral, less caring than ourselves. This has direct implications and effects. The ‘others’, the scapegoated ones, don’t matter and therefore they can be abused, verbally or physically, and assaulted, even injured or killed and it doesn’t matter because ‘they’ don’t count. They are, in effect, sub-human, Untermensch‘. They have no rights and should be expelled.

There is only one race, the human race, and diversity is something for celebration and a beautiful aspect of our humanity. Of course we can celebrate ‘our’ culture and invite others to join us and enjoy it too. ‘Our’ culture may be fantastic in many regards but it may also have dark and negative aspects to it in the present – and we know that there have been many such features in the recent past in all parts of Ireland.

There are issues where we cannot remain on the sidelines, as a hurler on the ditch. However we, like or unlike a hurler on the ditch, can take verbal action in objecting to the use of racist terminology. We can, and should, intervene immediately and directly if there is a use of racist language or put down so that the speaker is challenged; it might be they are deliberately being racist in which case they know they are being challenged, or they may be unthinkingly using racist language in which case they may be more careful next time.

There are many ways we can be actively anti-racist and this may or may not involve being involved in an avowedly anti-racist group or organisation such as City of Sanctuary or other solidarity groups. Being open to others on a day to day basis and being willing to help others that we come across, whoever and whatever they are, if we can is an important approach. An approach to inclusiveness that welcomes people that are different – not just in terms of origin but in ability and demeanour – is what is needed. We can all make our sporting, cultural, special interest and political groupings and work places welcoming for all; this is in our own interests too, to bring in new people. There are a huge number of positive examples of this right around the island of Ireland – and wherever you are you probably know of good examples of groups being inclusive.

From a specifically nonviolent point of view, beyond civic and civil society mindedness, there are a variety of possibilities which can be explored and built on. In situations of threat, monitoring and accompaniment models can be developed which can help to prevent racist attacks and protect individuals or groups. Of course racist attacks can happen anywhere and monitors and accompaniers cannot be everywhere. But providing accompaniment to people already threatened or attacked can help provide some measure of reassurance; however the role provided needs to be carefully explained and agreed to by those under threat, and there may not be an understanding of what is being offered.

Beyond monitoring and accompaniment there is the possibility of nonviolent protective lines and the like in situations of racist-based attacks – basically that would be attackers have to attack native-born people before attacking those they see as ‘other’. This is obviously a high risk strategy and one which would in most situations require at least passive acceptance by police that the nonviolent activists would not be interfering with police action and responsibilities, or where police are not present. In this situation nonviolent activists could obviously themselves become targets. But we also know – and more intelligent racists will know – that attacking native-born people is not a way to win friends and is indeed a way to alienate those from whom they would seek to receive support. But racists in a physical conflict are unlikely to be thinking too rationally so such action would be high risk for nonviolent activists – but fast and careful on the ground analysis could justify the risk.

Of course racists should be challenged at a political level but we do need careful consideration of whether counter-demonstrations are a good way to do this. They may or may not. Organising a multicultural celebration away from a racist demonstration, but stating it to be your answer to their racism, is an option. Having more people at ‘your’ anti-racist demo can of course make the point that more people locally support anti-racism than racism, but the dynamics of crowds are difficult and creating ‘us’ and ‘them’ friction may not be the best way to go and may reinforce in the minds of borderline racists that ‘society’ is out to get ‘them’ and has sold out to the ‘others’.

Ireland has the ‘advantage’ in relation to anti-racism of having been on the receiving end of racism and forced emigration through colonialism and poverty – this applies to the Ulster Scots who were relatively early migrants to North America as well as 19th and 20th century migrants. Those who ignore that experience ignore Irish history and refuse to learn from it, with racists preferring to adopt a superior attitude to others which is itself in tune with colonialism. How ironic it is that anyone on the island of Ireland should adopt racism as a creed, even lightly disguised racism through claiming “Ireland is full” when it still has rather less people than 1846 and is infinitely wealthier today. Successive waves of migration to Ireland, some of oppressed groups like the Huguenots, have contributed to the fabric of Irish life and made us what we are, and whatever our origin our ancestors all came from somewhere else originally.

Of course there are issues of concern such as the housing crisis, particularly in the Dublin area. The blame for that lies with the government and our capitalist system rather than people at the bottom of the pile who need somewhere basic to live. And it is economic prosperity, and workers needed for the companies which have helped create that, which has contributed to housing pressures – but no one is saying ‘end prosperity’.

Whether actively involved in avowedly anti-racist activities or not, we all need ‘racism awareness’ and commitment to follow up on what we need to do and can do in our lives and our localities. Our humanity demands no less.

ECO-AWARENESS with Larry Speight:   A life-affirming funeral

On the occasions you are able to extract yourself from the bedlam of everyday life and immerse yourself in woodland or bracken-covered hills far from the sound of motor vehicles and blipping phones you will, if mindful of what is going on around you, likely notice that nonhuman life goes on without regard to human beings.

If in a woodland you will notice that the nectar seeking insects are self-intent and have no regard for you. The trees that have grown from seeds into tall, multi-branched, wide girth majestic beings will one day fall to the ground where they will decay and become part of the soil which sustains life. Visit an ancient woodland, even a moderately old one, and you will see flora in various stages of the life cycle all around you. The fallen, moss covered tree you happen to be sitting on might well have saplings growing out of it. By way of contrast humans are the only species who in death take from the earth and harm it rather than enrich it and thereby sustain life. We are the bio-world’s vandals and wreckers.

Take the average Irish funeral. When a person dies their body is injected with formaldehyde, a toxic chemical, in order to make them look as if they were not dead. They will be dressed in toxic clothes, placed in a brass handled, polyester-lined wood coffin with no inquiry likely made about where the wood and brass were sourced or where the coffin was manufactured. The deceased will have a religious service, perhaps attended by hundreds of people who will arrive and depart in their fossil fuel driven vehicles. Many will then drive to the place of burial which will once have been home to millions of microorganisms and part of a wider habitat. It will now be the site of life-killing leakages over a prolonged period of time. Marble headstone and curbs, transported by fossil fuel powered ships and lorries, will mark the grave upon which it is common for the grieving to lay artificial grass and flowers. These will have been made in a carbon-intensive manner, most likely in China, and transported by CO2 emitting vehicles.

Even if the dead are cremated there will be negative ecological consequences with the release of global warming gases and other pollutants which have a serious adverse effect upon the climate and biosphere. The mercury in dental fillings will be sent into the atmosphere and from there find their way into the food chain.

This is not the full tally of the ecological cost of the average Irish funeral. It is common that after the burial or cremation the mourners will gather in a community hall where lunch will be served which is usually sandwiches, cakes and biscuits along with a choice of tea, coffee or a sweet drink. Inevitably meat and diary produce will be an integral part of the lunch which could well be accompanied by a supply of plastic utensils. The production of meat and dairy is a significant source of global warming emissions, water pollution, loss of biodiversity and in some cases animal suffering.

Whilst death in nonhuman nature brings forth life, as in the Thunderbird or Phoenix of the mythology of indigenous North American people, the modern-day funeral brings death to other life forms and through degrading the biosphere harms human life itself.

Part of the irony of this lies in that the average Irish funeral is a profound religious event. Before death the hope of the deceased will likely have been that when they die they will be welcomed into Heaven where they will reside for eternity in the presence of God and family and friends who died before them. In the light of how most funerals are conducted this is akin to wanting to be invited to a garden party after you have trashed the host’s garden and smashed up their much-loved vintage car.

The expectation of being welcomed by the Creator after trashing their handiwork highlights the monumental disconnect between human society and the natural world we are a part of. If we foresee ourselves having a modern Irish funeral then our death will diminish the effectiveness of the processes that sustain life.

Fortunately cultural traditions change, even the most hallowed ones, such as how the dead are treated and funerals conducted. To avoid our death begetting death we can leave written instructions asking that our remains not be injected with formaldehyde, that we be dressed in worn clothes made of natural fibers. If there are none in your wardrobe they can be purchased for a reasonable price from a charity shop.

We are not obliged to be put in a wood coffin, or a coffin at all. We can simply be wrapped in a shroud; a well-worn cotton bedsheet would do. After we have been lowered into the ground there is no need to enclose the site with marble curbs and a headstone and the enclosure filled with decorative stones or adorned with artificial grass. A fruit tree can mark the site instead.

Those wishing to attend the funeral can be asked to car share, travel by bus, cycle or walk. The lunch in the community hall can be vegan, free of plastic utensils and paper napkins. The life of a tree can be saved, along with all the creatures that depend on it, through pinning the order of service on a notice board and writing the memorial on the back of used paper.

A life-affirming funeral rather that the dominant mode of present-day funerals is the one that is more rooted in tradition. A hundred years ago there would for instance have been no plastic utensils, paper napkins, individual order of service cards and very few of the mourners would have had a car to travel to and from a funeral. Further, a life-affirming funeral is by far the least expensive and therefore could be your last act of love for your next of kin.

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The Peace Line with Kate Laverty: Atonement in Practice

I listened to a mother tell her child he was being punished for failing to attend to her ‘because that’s what happens…’. It made me think of the retributive logic in society: punishment as justice, revenge as moral balance. And I wondered where it had come from. Why can’t we simply forgive? This was how I found myself studying atonement theology.

At the heart of nonviolent atonement theology lies a simple but revolutionary claim: God is not the author of violence, but its victim and healer. The cross is about exposing human violence, forgiving it, and transforming it through love. This view invites us into the presence of a God who refuses to return harm for harm.

As J. Denny Weaver puts it: “The narrative of Jesus does not depict God as a God of violence, but rather as a God who overcomes violence through suffering love.” The cross, then, is not the site of divine punishment, but divine solidarity—Jesus identifying fully with those crushed by injustice and inviting us to do the same. In this light, Jesus’ death is not payment demanded by God, but the consequence of human fear. What is revealed on the cross is not divine anger, but the depth of human violence—and the unshakable mercy of a God who forgives even while dying at our hands.

This understanding resonates deeply with the founding vision of Forthspring, born in west Belfast out of a longing for healing between communities scarred by sectarian violence. Forthspring’s mission—to bring Catholics and Protestants, families and youth, together across lines of suspicion—mirrors the essence of nonviolent atonement: not the erasure of difference, but the refusal to let difference justify violence.

These theological insights do not stand alone within Christianity. They resonate deeply with the wisdom of Islam, which frames God primarily as Ar-Rahman, Ar-Rahim—The Most Merciful, The Most Compassionate. “My mercy encompasses all things,” says God in the Qur’an (7:156). It is a view that calls both Muslims and Christians to reflect God’s mercy in the world—to build societies where justice heals rather than punishes.

While Buddhism has no doctrine of atonement, the Dhammapada teaches: “Hatred does not cease by hatred, but only by love; this is the eternal law” (verse 5). This is similar to Jesus’ prayer on the cross: “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do” (Luke 23:34). Both voices—Jesus and the Buddha—refuse the logic of vengeance and instead offer a way to break the cycle of suffering.

Forthspring, working in a context of interreligious and intercommunity tension, offers space for these shared values to take root. Our work is not about denying religious difference, but harnessing the spiritual common ground that refuses violence in the name of God.

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. envisioned a world healed by love, not domination. His concept of the Beloved Community is where nonviolent atonement comes to life: a world where justice and mercy meet, where former enemies share tables, and where systems of harm are transformed into spaces of healing.

As King wrote, “At the centre of nonviolence stands the principle of love.” That love is not sentimental—it is courageous, rooted in the conviction that every person has inherent dignity, even the wrongdoer.

For those of us working in community, especially with youth affected by violence, the implications are urgent. At Forthspring, children are not taught to carry the burdens of the past, but to question them, transform them, and lay them down; adults model restorative justice rather than retribution; diverse faiths sit together in the shared conviction that peace is sacred, and violence is not inevitable.