Tag Archives: Racism

Editorials: Racism, Nonviolence

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Racing against racism

Northern Ireland seems to have moved from having sectarian disturbances in the summer to racist attacks and pogroms. These have now happened three years in a row. It is no accident given that sectarianism and racism are close relations and the North has traditions of violence; scapegoating and othering is a habit that dies hard, and one that is used by some people, particularly on the political right, to create unrest and try to create support for their vicious creeds. Sectarian attacks have decreased and racist attacks have escalated. Nor is the Republic immune from right wing racist thuggery, that is also clear from previous rioting, attacks, and the fear felt by people who are recognisably ‘other’ than the majority ‘white’ – pink – population.

It is clear from the most recent racist violence in the North that racists were and are primed ready to use any excuse deemed suitable to trigger violence and a pogrom against people from a minority ethnic background. Lists of addresses occupied by migrants had been already circulated over some months when the incident happened involving an attack by a Sudanese man, and we don’t know his motivation or situation regarding mental health. While the violence and rioting was not orchestrated by loyalist paramilitaries there were certainly loyalists involved, and the paramilitaries did nothing to stop it. However clearly many of those involved in the rioting and attacks on black and coloured people were very young and for some there was undoubtedly the thrill of engaging in arson and physical violence, so-called ‘recreational violence’.

One of the ironies involved, apart from in some cases people thrashing their own area (and a knock on effect on the North’s current reputation, such as it is), is that Northern Ireland has a much lower level of migrants living in the jurisdiction than either the Republic or Britain. Northern Ireland has a total of around 6% migrants, half of whom have ‘white’ skin, so there is only 3% black or coloured residents in the North. The Republic has 20% of its people born elsewhere. In the UK as a whole the proportion of migrants is around 17% though more than double that in London and ethnic minorities are much longer established in Britain than either part of Ireland with a much higher proportion of ethnic minority citizens born in the state. So Northern Ireland is the region of the UK with by far the lowest number of migrants but the highest level of pogrom-type violence, a factor emanating from its sectarian history.

Brendan McNally, the brother of murder victim Natalie McNally (killed along with her unborn baby in a deviously planned attack by her erstwhile partner, a white native of Northern Ireland) has made a pertinent point on social media: he slammed “patriots” following the racist attacks and questioned where they were when his sister was killed. He said “…the murder of women by a current or former partner is a grave and recurring phenomenon in our society…almost half of the murders in Northern Ireland in recent years have a domestic abuse motivation. I didn’t see much of the same angry outcry and mobilisation from so called ‘patriots’ then, using the toxic mudslide of distortion and misinformation of their social media platforms. I wonder what the difference is?”

It is no accident that racist rioting tends to happen in working class areas which in general receive a raw deal from the state. This is true North or South of the border. The lack of positive challenges and involvement through youth centres or detached youth work, the lack of decent job prospects, the poor level of education for many (and particularly so for working class Protestant males) in the North, are all factors in creating a culture of disenchantment which can be turned into violence. That is not an excuse for violence but it is certainly a contributory cause.

It is also noticeable that, while racism and racist attacks can be found anywhere on the island of Ireland, the racist violence and pogroms of the last few years in the North have substantially been in Protestant areas. There are partly ideological and historical reasons for this. Nationalism and republicanism are, in theory at least, inclusive even if that was not the case for violent republicanism in the Troubles; if you are here you are part, or potentially part, of the Irish nation. Some community groups of all varieties pride themselves on working hard to be welcoming and inclusive. However unionism and loyalism tend to more exclusive, if you are not with us you are against us, and that can spill over into racism. And, again, largely for historical reasons, PUL/Protestant Unionist Loyalist politics tends to be to the right of CNR/Catholic Nationalist Republican politics, and this is another contributory factor. But none of these factors have operated in racist violence in the Republic.

Migration is a natural phenomenon. Human migration has been happening since before the emergence of so-called homo sapiens. https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Migration_swallow.pdf Europe and the rich world needs migration because of its low birth rates. We are not disputing that some regulation is necessary but scapegoating and penalising asylum seekers leaving impossible situations and migrants trying to build better lives for themselves is a cruel aspect of modern life. And rich countries have only a small fraction of the asylum seekers of the world.

The race against racism is to establish the right of everyone here to be respected, to contribute to society, and be free of fear, and to do so before new patterns of racism become totally established (e.g. pogroms when a migrant is perceived to have done a violent act). Unfortunately with three successive years of racist violence taking place in the North, and the link with sectarianism, it is possible that the pattern is already established. This creates issues for anti-racist civil society but in the recent racist violence in the North many rose to the challenge; Kate Laverty’s beautiful piece on support for those threatened by racist violence appears in her column in this issue.

Nonviolence, 1, 2, 3

Nonviolence is a multifaceted concept and practice. Like any approach to life it has weaknesses as well as strengths but for both pragmatic and moral reasons it is necessary; the pragmatic reasons include ensuring the survival of humankind, and assisting successful and less painful outcomes to conflict. There certainly is power that grows out of the barrel of a gun (weapons of all kinds) but that can take us back to a situation far worse than the law of the jungle, and humanity has perpetrated atrocities that no animal in the jungle would engage in. We are in a situation where pressing a few buttons and inputting a few codes and life as we know it would disappear. As it is, life for all of us will be transformed by global heating and the dislocation and violence arising from that.

People sometimes have the notion that nonviolence only works in ‘liberal’ societies where such action is tolerated. This is certainly not so as Chenoweth and Stephan’s empirical research clearly shows. Depending on the situation, however, the time frame for nonviolence working may be different to violence, and there is nothing to guarantee success in life, but it is as good as it gets for results.

It may depend partly on our temperament, it may depend on our sense of justice, and it may depend on the circumstances we find ourselves; we can be involved in nonviolent action as first, second or third parties. We may work only in one of these categories, we may be involved in all three in relation to different issues, but there is a distinction and a tension between being involved in third party action on an issue and the other two.

First party action is where ‘I’ or ‘we’ (an individual, a family, a group, an organisation or a society or country) struggle for justice and equality. The civil rights movement in the USA or Northern Ireland in the 1960s would have been partly ‘first party’ action in that the people – black people and Catholics respectively – affected by injustice were struggling for their own liberation – assisted by others. These ‘others’ were committed to justice for all and involved in ‘second party’ solidarity. If we are directly affected by an issue or situation it is clearly in our interests to deal with it – but it may also be in the interests of the whole society, and inimical to anyone believing in justice. Many of those who campaign for just treatment for people with a particular debilitating life condition are likely to be the family and friends of those in that situation; they may straddle the line between first and second party activists.

We may be so done down by powerful injustice that we cannot stand up for ourselves. We may be bought off with bread and circuses, or by propaganda. But once we become conscientised on an issue we are likely going to stand up for ourselves. The level or oppression or apathy may determine what we can do for ourselves. But second party supporters may be of great assistance; this was the case with ending apartheid in South Africa when the issue became a global one with ramifications in South Africa itself which led to the possibility of change.

There are a million and one possibilities in second party, solidarity, action. We may get involved in support because we identify with a particular issue or struggle. Many in Ireland have become involved in solidarity with Palestine because they see clear injustice in the denial of a state and economic, political and military oppression; awareness of the history of Ireland may cause clear identification with the Palestinian cause. Of course there are Palestinians in Ireland involved in action for justice for Palestine and for them it is ‘first party’ action.

We may also get involved in second party action because of our human commitment to justice, peace and/or global sustainability. This general commitment then takes us towards more specific solidarity work. However green activism can also straggle first and second party action since ecological issues affect us all. The world is living on borrowed time in so many ways, in relation to violence, to climate change, and to overuse of resources.

Third party intervention is somewhat different in that our commitment to justice and peace brings us to work to bring different parties together to resolve their differences or to prevent further injustice or violence. As a mediator or conciliator our attention may be to a specific issue or more generalised conflict, and, as with all such situations, the ‘presenting issue’ (what is initially raised) may not be the major underlying concern or only one of many. The involvement of a third party might just be for a limited period such as a mediation process that the parties agree to undertake. A conciliation process may also be for a limited time, assisting communication and understanding between parties in a crisis – or it may be for a much longer time period as with the work of Quaker House in Belfast over a couple of decades in trying to develop understanding and interaction between sides in the North and more widely those involved.

The problem for third party intervention, which can include monitoring of one form or another as well as mediation and conciliation, is how ‘neutral’ or ’impartial’ is it to be? If you became directly involved in solidarity with one party in a conflict you would certainly no longer be considered impartial and your services would almost automatically be rejected by the other party or parties. But while you may privately be totally sympathetic to one party in a conflict your public manner demands that your involvement does not treat the sides differently. This does not preclude a mediator working with one party to help prepare their involvement when they are too weak or unprepared to do so. The term ‘balanced partiality’ is perhaps applicable here, at least to some extent.

The third party mediator’s commitment to justice means that they will not tolerate a fundamentally unjust agreement between the parties. But the agreement is fundamentally for the parties themselves to make and it may be a good or a poor agreement – a mediator will have pushed to make it an agreement which not only covers the issue but is likely to hold and be implemented.

The third party role is more constrained than that of the first or second parties. It is not value-less, it is value-able. INNATE has been involved recently in training monitors for situations of racial tension in Northern Ireland (and for decades in promoting monitoring concerning situations of political tension). Those involved are certainly not engaging because they are neutral between racism and anti-racism, they are certainly anti-racist, but, if deployed, they would equally ‘call out’ inappropriate by action by police, anti-migrant protesters or anti-racist protesters.

First, second and third party activism can all be part of nonviolence. Where you involve yourself may depend on your temperament, your politics and worldview, and the circumstances you find yourself in. All are needed. There are however boundaries, particularly between third party intervention and the other two which we need to be aware of and, where possible, respect. Of course it is possible that someone involved in third party intervention feels the need to jump to involvement in direct support on an issue, second party intervention, but they are then likely to forfeit the right and the possibility of continuing as a third party actor in the situation. While majoring on second and first party action, INNATE is involved in promoting the possibilities of nonviolence through all three approaches which can at times be a difficult balancing act – but all are appropriate responses depending on the situation.

And the situations which we face in life range from the interpersonal, the local and community, the regional, national and international. We may not personally face the issue of mediating between Iran and the USA but we do face different levels of conflict in our life. And we might be primarily a mediator or conciliator with family and friends while being a first or second party activist at a national or international level. We can occupy different spaces. But we do well to remember that old adage “The personal is political’ in all that we do and are.

Nonviolence and 1, 2, 3 modes of intervention. You choose.

The Peace Line with Kate Laverty: Joy in the time of sorrow

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The easier story would be the violence of recent weeks. The shattered windows. The smoke-dark language of hatred. The ancient human instinct to turn fear into fire and direct it towards the vulnerable.

But that is not the story I want to tell.

Because beneath the noise of those early June nights, something quieter and infinitely more powerful was unfolding. Something the headlines rarely know how to hold. Nonviolence.

Not as theory.

Not as performance.

But as lived, breathing practice.

I think of the children first.

Children sitting cross-legged on living room floors, their small hands stained with marker ink and paint, making signs to place in windows and on doors. Bright drawings declaring that refugees and asylum seekers were welcome here. There is something almost sacramental about a child choosing colour in the face of hatred. A holy refusal to let fear become the loudest voice in the room.

And then the women.

Women who organised gatherings in community centres. Women who walked alongside their Muslim sisters, their Black sisters, not with grand speeches but with ordinary tenderness — cups of tea, shared food, laughter rising gently above anxiety. The kind of care that rarely appears in political analysis but without which communities collapse entirely.

There is an ancient strength in women gathering. A form of resistance rooted not in domination, but in protection.

And then the volunteers.

And threaded through all of it were the volunteers. More than one hundred people, coordinated largely by two women from Sudan, quietly sustaining over six hundred people every single day. Grocery runs. Pharmacy collections. Lifts to work. Safe transport out of dangerous situations. Helping families move between temporary accommodations carrying little more than bags and exhaustion.

This too is nonviolence. Practical. Organised. Fiercely attentive.

And perhaps this is what gives me hope. Because violence is always loud. It needs spectacle. It feeds on visibility. But nonviolence often works beneath the surface, like roots strengthening unseen beneath winter soil. It survives through ordinary people choosing care over contempt again and again and again.

I have come to believe that the universe bends itself quietly towards justice through these acts. Through stubborn human tenderness.

And there is something else we must remember too: rest is part of this work. Joy is part of this work. Creativity is part of this work. The systems of hatred and violence depend upon exhaustion. They thrive when people become hardened, cynical, disconnected from beauty and each other. So every act of laughter, every shared meal, every song sung loudly in community halls, every badly painted banner held proudly by children becomes its own quiet rebellion.

To choose joy while protecting others is not frivolous. It is resistance. Perhaps nonviolence is ultimately this – the refusal to let the human spirit become smaller in response to cruelty. And for all the darkness that tried to descend, that is the story I want remembered.

–

Kate Laverty is director of Forthspring Inter Community Group https://www.forthspring.org/

Editorial: Inaction on racism is not an option

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The forces of racism are organising and waiting to pounce, that should be obvious (Northern Ireland figures show a considerable rise in reported racist crimes and incidents). Right wing ideology seeks to exploit any incidence, real or imagined, of wrongdoing by migrants, people who have come here from elsewhere seeking to make a better life – like Irish emigrants have done for many generations elsewhere – possibly escaping from terrible conditions and threats of injury or death in their home countries. The right wing may seek to crack down on crime but they don’t single out the fact that the vast majority of crime on this island is committed by indigenous Irish/Northern Irish people; that doesn’t suit their agenda which is scapegoating, creating fear, and seeking to win support by that means.

Racism is inherently violent because it portrays other people as less human, less capable, less moral, less caring than ourselves. This has direct implications and effects. The ‘others’, the scapegoated ones, don’t matter and therefore they can be abused, verbally or physically, and assaulted, even injured or killed and it doesn’t matter because ‘they’ don’t count. They are, in effect, sub-human, ‘Untermensch‘. They have no rights and should be expelled.

There is only one race, the human race, and diversity is something for celebration and a beautiful aspect of our humanity. Of course we can celebrate ‘our’ culture and invite others to join us and enjoy it too. ‘Our’ culture may be fantastic in many regards but it may also have dark and negative aspects to it in the present – and we know that there have been many such features in the recent past in all parts of Ireland.

There are issues where we cannot remain on the sidelines, as a hurler on the ditch. However we, like or unlike a hurler on the ditch, can take verbal action in objecting to the use of racist terminology. We can, and should, intervene immediately and directly if there is a use of racist language or put down so that the speaker is challenged; it might be they are deliberately being racist in which case they know they are being challenged, or they may be unthinkingly using racist language in which case they may be more careful next time.

There are many ways we can be actively anti-racist and this may or may not involve being involved in an avowedly anti-racist group or organisation such as City of Sanctuary or other solidarity groups. Being open to others on a day to day basis and being willing to help others that we come across, whoever and whatever they are, if we can is an important approach. An approach to inclusiveness that welcomes people that are different – not just in terms of origin but in ability and demeanour – is what is needed. We can all make our sporting, cultural, special interest and political groupings and work places welcoming for all; this is in our own interests too, to bring in new people. There are a huge number of positive examples of this right around the island of Ireland – and wherever you are you probably know of good examples of groups being inclusive.

From a specifically nonviolent point of view, beyond civic and civil society mindedness, there are a variety of possibilities which can be explored and built on. In situations of threat, monitoring and accompaniment models can be developed which can help to prevent racist attacks and protect individuals or groups. Of course racist attacks can happen anywhere and monitors and accompaniers cannot be everywhere. But providing accompaniment to people already threatened or attacked can help provide some measure of reassurance; however the role provided needs to be carefully explained and agreed to by those under threat, and there may not be an understanding of what is being offered.

Beyond monitoring and accompaniment there is the possibility of nonviolent protective lines and the like in situations of racist-based attacks – basically that would be attackers have to attack native-born people before attacking those they see as ‘other’. This is obviously a high risk strategy and one which would in most situations require at least passive acceptance by police that the nonviolent activists would not be interfering with police action and responsibilities, or where police are not present. In this situation nonviolent activists could obviously themselves become targets. But we also know – and more intelligent racists will know – that attacking native-born people is not a way to win friends and is indeed a way to alienate those from whom they would seek to receive support. But racists in a physical conflict are unlikely to be thinking too rationally so such action would be high risk for nonviolent activists – but fast and careful on the ground analysis could justify the risk.

Of course racists should be challenged at a political level but we do need careful consideration of whether counter-demonstrations are a good way to do this. They may or may not. Organising a multicultural celebration away from a racist demonstration, but stating it to be your answer to their racism, is an option. Having more people at ‘your’ anti-racist demo can of course make the point that more people locally support anti-racism than racism, but the dynamics of crowds are difficult and creating ‘us’ and ‘them’ friction may not be the best way to go and may reinforce in the minds of borderline racists that ‘society’ is out to get ‘them’ and has sold out to the ‘others’.

Ireland has the ‘advantage’ in relation to anti-racism of having been on the receiving end of racism and forced emigration through colonialism and poverty – this applies to the Ulster Scots who were relatively early migrants to North America as well as 19th and 20th century migrants. Those who ignore that experience ignore Irish history and refuse to learn from it, with racists preferring to adopt a superior attitude to others which is itself in tune with colonialism. How ironic it is that anyone on the island of Ireland should adopt racism as a creed, even lightly disguised racism through claiming “Ireland is full” when it still has rather less people than 1846 and is infinitely wealthier today. Successive waves of migration to Ireland, some of oppressed groups like the Huguenots, have contributed to the fabric of Irish life and made us what we are, and whatever our origin our ancestors all came from somewhere else originally.

Of course there are issues of concern such as the housing crisis, particularly in the Dublin area. The blame for that lies with the government and our capitalist system rather than people at the bottom of the pile who need somewhere basic to live. And it is economic prosperity, and workers needed for the companies which have helped create that, which has contributed to housing pressures – but no one is saying ‘end prosperity’.

Whether actively involved in avowedly anti-racist activities or not, we all need ‘racism awareness’ and commitment to follow up on what we need to do and can do in our lives and our localities. Our humanity demands no less.

Editorials: The race against racism, Not being neutral on neutrality

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The race against racism

The ugliness of racism has been all too evident in Ireland over the summer with slightly different manifestations in the two jurisdictions on the island. In the Republic the now established norm, requiring only a small number of perpetrators, is to burn and destroy buildings which are perceived to be, or actually are, for refugees and international protection migrants. In the North, because of the legacy and presence of sectarian violence and paramilitarism, there are more physical attacks directly on people because of their skin colour or perceived religion (not necessarily correct in relation to the latter as when a restaurant owner of Nepalese Hindu origin, employing ten people, was burnt out and ‘Muslims out’ daubed on the walls). We are lucky there were no racist killings recently.

The tie up between racist attacks and far right activists is all too plain to see through social media and ‘facts on the ground’. In the North there is also the connection to some loyalist paramilitaries; racism is present in Catholic/Nationalist communities in the North but nationalism has the advantage, in relation to racism, of being at least theoretically inclusive – ‘everyone’ is, or is invited to be, part of the Irish nation (the reality can, of course, be rather different). Loyalism has the disadvantage in relation to racism of being more exclusive, ‘what we have we hold’. Racism and sectarianism are perhaps not evil twins but certainly evil cousins or even step-siblings.

Ireland, the Republic, has undergone perhaps the fastest transition in Europe from a very high level of people born in the country to a situation of around a fifth of people being born outside the state. It has been good for the country in a variety of ways and the Irish experience of emigration has, until relatively recently, meant that most people appreciated that people had excellent reasons, in some cases survival, for coming and would make a positive contribution to society.

What racists and the far right have sought to do is to exploit two things: unfair distribution of resources (housing and facilities) and incidents where migrants have been involved in violence. In the case of the latter, it does not matter whether mental illness or other mitigating factors are involved, it is a coat on which to hang their right wing and violent ideology. Inequality and poverty are exploited by racists and the far right to scapegoat migrants when the issue is both long term and shorter term deficiencies in governmental planning and action.

Of course governmental policies are not the cause or source of racism but they can exacerbate it. The Irish government has learnt, hopefully, that depriving a local community of its only hotel to use to accommodate migrants is not a good move as it deprives local people of needed facilities. Of course there is a major housing crisis in the Republic, especially Dublin, but it is due primarily to economic success. And who will do the jobs Irish people may no longer wish to do or fill in the gaps in health and social care systems? Migrants of course.

There are many things which civil society can do in relation to countering racism, and most are being done though there is always the need for more people to be involved. One is get to know and support migrants in integrating with local society while allowing them to retain what they wish of their own identity. A second is educating, in a broad sense, people about why migrants have come and what they bring. Racists sometimes use facile slogans such as “Ireland is full” – yes, there are issues in relation to housing, which are fixable, but ‘full’? There were still more people on the island before the Great Famine and there are many countries far more densely populated than Ireland.

A related matter, in terms of education, is to help people be aware of the history and cultures of the places where migrants come from. ‘We’ can have a very insular view of culture and development – do we know, for example, about the role of India in the development of mathematics https://www.theguardian.com/world/article/2024/sep/01/hidden-story-ancient-india-west-maths-astronomy-historians or the role of China in innovating so much over the millennia? Our Western-centric view of civilisation is not only false but dangerous in giving ‘us’ western Europeans an inflated view of our own importance.

Criticism has been voiced of the police/PSNI failure to take a more pro-active stand in relation to racist attacks. Regarding violence in Belfast at the start of August, Patrick Corrigan of Amnesty International said “An unlawful procession, including masked men clearly intent on violence, marauded across the most ethnically diverse part of Belfast, attacking communities and businesses as they went – and the PSNI did not stop them. There are serious questions for the police, who publicly declared they were prepared, but then failed to protect already vulnerable communities.” While such situations are not easy for the police to deal with both imagination and firmness are needed and many people from ethnic minorities in Belfast and other parts of the North, especially Antrim, have been left in fear (and may leave in fear).

In times of racist violence there are also actions which civil society can, and does, take. Expressing solidarity with neighbours and giving our presence at anti-racist and inclusivist demonstrations are two such things. Actively standing out in the street, and intervening to help stop racist violence when tensions are high and things are actually happening in places or people being targetted, is more risky but necessary (and took place in Belfast recently). Monitoring and accompaniment may be appropriate tools but so can active intervention to form protective lines or challenge violent behaviour. The problem is also that anti-racists cannot be everywhere and racists can target anywhere, or anyone, in the middle of the night or at least when no one else is around. Nonviolent training and tools are potentially vital in these kinds of situations particularly when some anti-racists can also engage in antagonising behaviour such as shouting abuse at racists – this merely ups the tension and potential for violence.

Local and European elections in the Republic did not show the far right and racists to be a significant force but they are there, and through violence then can exert a felt presence they could not through more peaceful and democratic means. We cannot ‘root out’ racists since they are part of the community. What we can do is educate people in the realities of the world and the contribution migrants make but also point out the relatively small number of refugee seekers coming to Ireland – which also needs workers.

The race against racism is not a sprint but a marathon. There always has been racism in Ireland and Irish people themselves have been both subject to, and perpetrators of, it. We need strategies and tactics for a long haul which will show the humanity of migrants and allow Irish people to enjoy and benefit from what they bring.

Not being neutral on neutrality

The lead news item in this issue reveals just how close Irish neutrality in any meaningful form is to being binned. Micheál Martin in particular has been gunning (sic) to fully join Ireland with EU and NATO militarism – and regarding NATO, Ireland is definitely a ‘fellow traveller’ – full NATO membership may not be on the cards but participation at a high level is possible without that. It is remarkable how far Ireland has travelled from the principles held by former leaders, including Eamon de Valera and Frank Aiken – ironically both of the same political party as Micheál Martin.

The homogenisation of EU military and foreign policy leaves limited scope for manoeuvre but there is considerable scope for action. Ireland has been more outspoken on the massacres happening in Gaza while it has been tardy in actually taking action, and has refused, despite some soundings, to inspect US military flights stopping over at Shannon Airport. Of course as a neutral country there should be no military flights there but the craven subservience to the USA in refusing to inspect military planes is an insult not just to peace but to any idea of Irish sovereignty.

The Irish government has consistently refused – including at the (so called) Forum on International Security Policy in 2023 – to look at possibilities of developing and extending Irish neutrality. The sky is the limit to the role Ireland could play for peace in the world, and as a relatively rich country it has the wherewithal to engage meaningfully on many different issues and situations while avoiding an imperialist “we have the answers” approach. The opportunity is there and the history of Irish contributions to peace sets a great precedent. It is the lack of imagination which is particularly galling along with the willingness to back the former imperialist powers in NATO and the EU. It is a very sad situation.