All posts by Rob Fairmichael

News, October 2026

Uplift: The undermining of Irish neutrality

Uplift has been publishing valuable detailed information on Irish neutrality and its undermining https://www.uplift.ie/neutrality-files/ (currently two ‘volumes’ or reports) and this includes a 40-page publication “The Defence Club: How a handful of insiders shape Ireland’s security debate” (downloadable from ‘Volume 2’) which covers the fact that “there is a small, well-resourced network of arms industry lobbyists and their allies in think tanks and advisory committees who have secured access and influence in Ireland that ordinary citizens do not have.” In terms of general orientation they state “The research uncovers how the prioritisation of US corporate interests, via trade, foreign direct investment and economic planning has resulted in a dramatic increase in trade with Israel in recent years and the sidelining of hugely popular policy proposals such as the Occupied Territories Bill. This government is using its strategic position to strengthen US foreign policy priorities and, in the process, weaken Irish neutrality and push for greater militarisation.” Also on the Uplift website is “Nuclear power in Ireland: 6 reasons why it doesn’t stack up” https://www.uplift.ie/nuclear-power-doesnt-stack-up/

MNI – TIDES merger: New Belfast mediation, conflict organisation

The two Belfast-based non-profit organisations working on mediation and conflict, Mediation Northern Ireland (MNI) and TIDES Training (Transformation, Interdependence, Diversity, Equity and Sustainability) amalgamated over the summer to become TIDES Mediation NI. They are based at Mediation House, 83 University Street, Belfast BT7 1HP, which is owned by the organisation. The new director is Liza Wilkinson, formerly director of TIDES. MNI was formed as NICMA/NI Conflict and Mediation Association, the first mediation organisation in the North, in 1986 and their first full-time director, Brendan McAllister, was appointed in 1992. TIDES Training was founded in 2001 by Mary Montague and Colin Craig who had worked together in Corrymeela. The website is https://tidesmediationni.org/ and this includes information about workplace mediation, community based mediation and skills training. It also has some information about the journeys MNI and TIDES have made through to today, as well as about current staff and associates.

CAJ international conference: Combatting impunity

CAJ/Committee on the Administration of Justice in partnership with the International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) is hosting an international conference with Queen’s University Belfast on 23rd and 24th November on the topic Combatting Impunity: Memorialisation and Transitional Justice Under Threat. This reflects on current threats to transitional justice processes, the implications for memorialisation and the associated risks of denialism, impunity and damaging reconciliation. At a critical juncture for transitional justice in Northern Ireland and globally, the Belfast conference brings together academics, international experts, human rights defenders, and victims’ advocacy groups. Featuring comparative case studies from Argentina, Colombia, Brazil, Spain, South Africa, the Basque Country, and beyond, the conference bridges global insights with local expertise. A keynote address will be given by Prof. Bernard Duhaime, UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence. Details and booking at https://tinyurl.com/2tjvecaw or via https://caj.org.uk/

Northern Ireland Peace Index

Northern Ireland is a ‘post-conflict’ society, at least so far as armed conflict goes, but it is not a settled, peaceful society; so where is it? A new ‘Northern Ireland Peace Index’ publication helps answer at least some of the questions arising. https://nipi.economicsandpeace.org/ This is a 74 page report issued by the Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) and Queen’s University Belfast, applying IEP’s negative peace (‘the absence of violence and the fear of violence’) and Positive Peace (‘attitudes, institutions and structures that create and sustain peaceful societies’) framework to Northern Ireland. They look at the period 2019 to 2026; “Northern Ireland has recorded its lowest levels of violence and fear of violence since 2019, improving 10.7% from the 2019 baseline. However, the structural foundations that sustain peace, measured by Positive Peace, have not strengthened at the same pace, raising questions about what is required to sustain peace over time.” However there was a deterioration regarding hate crime. This report looks, in a different way, at the kind of detailed analysis previously produced in six volumes of the Northern Ireland Peace Monitoring Report, produced by the Community Relations Council https://www.community-relations.org.uk/publications/northern-ireland-peace-monitoring-report from 2012 to 2023.

MII/Mediators’ Institute of Ireland: From conflict to connection

The MII annual conference takes place on 9th and 10th October with the title “From Conflict to Connection: A Collaborative Vision for Mediation in Ireland”. It is on at the Crowne Plaza Airport Hotel, Northwood, Santry, Dublin. Keynote speakers include Ken Cloke, Joan Goldsmith, Giuseppe De Palo, and Liam Moggan. Details at https://www.themii.ie/35960-2/

Gaining a foothold? Social media and anti-immigration in Newry

A new report published by the Equality Coalition – co-convened by Unison and CAJ –  in partnership with Rabble Cooperative, examines the anti-immigration activity and social media dynamics in the Newry, Mourne and Down District Council area between 2024 and 2026. It explores how the Locals First Initiative (LFI) sought to establish an organisational foothold in predominantly Irish nationalist communities following the council’s decision to join the City of Sanctuary Network, how social media networks amplified anti-immigrant narratives, and how local political responses and online organising shaped tensions. Available at https://tinyurl.com/39wfss23 It is 36 pages A4 and includes conclusions and recommendations.

In the midst of trauma

Corrymeela, in partnership with TASC.ie, has been exploring how trauma shapes the work of community and voluntary practitioners across Ireland, north and south. On 8th October (10.30am – 2pm) there will be a report launch at Belfast City Hall with contributors from across the community and voluntary sector, government, policy and funding. Included will be a talk by author, researcher and practitioner Dr Lisa Cherry, whose work explores trauma, adversity and what it takes to build more compassionate, trauma-informed systems. https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/report-launch-in-the-midst-of-trauma-tickets-1999679768016

ICCL: GDPR precedent for Big Tech, Legacy of the Troubles

In a ruling on 25th September the Irish Council for Civil Liberties (ICCL) secured a precedent that will reshape how Big Tech companies defend themselves in GDPR class actions that impact their operations across the entire European Union. ICCL say “Under this new precedent, when a claimant establishes that GDPR obligations have been triggered, the defendant company must prove it complied with those obligations. The era of tech giants operating in legal grey areas is over.”   https://enforce.ie/digital-data/iccl-secures-landmark-precedent-against-big-tech/  which includes a link to the court judgement.

lOn the issue of the Irish state’s draft Legacy of the Troubles Bill, ICCL has said that as drafted “Its provisions fail to ensure that the State will meet its Article 2 obligations [Right to life in ECHR – Ed] by ensuring that its cooperation with UK-led investigations into Troubles-related deaths or incidents is independent, effective, subject to adequate public scrutiny, and adequately involves the next-of-kin of victims and survivors.” See https://www.iccl.ie/news/draft-troubles-legacy-bill/

lICCL is appealing for financial help to meet a financial shortfall – with a donor offering to pay €50k if that amount is raised https://www.iccl.ie/donate

FOE Budget submission

Irish Friends of the Earth’s pre-budget submission focuses on accelerating Ireland’s transition away from fossil fuels, and rapidly reducing energy poverty and permanently lowering household energy costs. https://www.friendsoftheearth.ie/publications/budget-2027-must-be-an-energy-budget/

British veterans and impunity

Amnesty International organised an event in London in mid-September where British Army veterans and family of a murdered soldier met parliamentarians to discuss the Troubles Bill. Gráinne Teggart, Northern Ireland Deputy Director at Amnesty International UK, said: “Not all British Army veterans want impunity or special treatment, despite sustained campaigning to suggest otherwise. Politicians should listen to those who believe in the rule of law and in the rights of all victims to truth and accountability. Tony Harrison’s case exposes the false choice that has dominated this debate. Tony was a British soldier, and he was also a victim of the Troubles. His family have spent more than three decades seeking answers about his murder. Their pursuit of truth has far more in common with other bereaved families than with those seeking to limit or shut down scrutiny.” https://tinyurl.com/4ns2zbs7 

White poppies for remembrance

The war remembrance season is nearly on us and wearing a white poppy is one way to both commemorate all those killed, of all nationalities, military and civilian, in wars but simultaneously oppose war as a mode of action, challenging militarism. The Peace Pledge Union (PPU) in Britain supplies white poppies in varying numbers; they are recyclable and plastic-free. White poppies are available online at https://shop.ppu.org.uk/ They also have metal lapel pins. White poppies are available in Dublin at the Winding Stair Bookshop, 40 Lower Ormond Quay. The general PPU website is www.ppu.org.uk Leaflet enclosed for paper copies of NN

Peace News is back

Peace News, the British peace magazine with a history going back to the 1930s, is now back in publication, as a quarterly, after a two year gap. It is now a full colour A4 magazine style with features, news and reviews; the first issue is 44 pages. Further information at www.peacenews.info and annual subscriptions are £20 in the UK postal area, £15 extra outside that, at www.peacenews.info/subscribe There is a new admin worker, Maryam Namazie, and they are looking for an editor, contact admin@peacenew.info for details.

GDAMS: Report and infographics, SIPRI figures

The 2026 report from GDAMS/Global Campaign on Military Spending is available at https://tinyurl.com/2s3k2zbp and it includes a link to infographics based on SIPRI figures. “The new SIPRI data shows a new growth in military spending, reaching $2.88 trillion, an increase of 2.9% compared to last year, marking he 11th consecutive year of growth and the highest spending level ever recorded by SIPRI. Global military expenditure rose in 2025 despite a drop in spending by the United States, the world’s biggest spender. A sharp increase in European spending and continued growth in Asia and Oceania were more than enough to offset the decrease in US spending during the year. World military expenditure excluding the USA grew by 9.2 per cent in 2025. The five biggest spenders in 2025 were the United States, China, Russia, Germany and India, which together accounted for 58% of world military spending. The USA’s military spending fell by 7.5 per cent to $954 billion in 2025, while China’s spending rose by 7.4 per cent to an estimated $336 billion. In 2025, the total spending by all 32 NATO members exceeded $1.58 trillion $USD and accounted for 55% of the world’s total. USA spending accounts for 60% of NATO’s total.”

Editorials: Parading, Space arms race

Parading in Northern Ireland

A big step in the wrong direction

We don’t often quote Winston Churchill but his comment about dreary steeples in Northern Ireland came to mind thinking about the Drumcree marching dispute; “The whole map of Europe has been changed…but as the deluge subsides and the waters fall short we see the dreary steeples of Fermanagh and Tyrone emerging once again.” (1922) Admittedly he was referring, generically, to Fermanagh and Tyrone rather than Portadown in Co Armagh, and it is a comment in his condescending and patronising style, but it is sad that once more the parading issue has come to the fore in the North – and in particular Drumcree church steeple coming into view. It is also an illustration of how old feelings and antagonisms in the North have not disappeared and can be rekindled to everyone’s detriment.

The issue has emerged again as the Orange Order won a legal case, based on a technical fault, on the Drumcree ruling (‘determination’) by the Parades Commission banning the parade down the Garvaghy Road. The Orangemen then went on to reapply for a parade and were granted permission to walk down the Garvaghy Road, with strict conditions; the Parades Commission brief is to facilitate parades as they see possible. Unionists and loyalists have never got over the decision in 1998 to ban them going this direction though they could easily return the different way they came. Having been wrong-footed on their previous procedure, it looks like the Parades Commission bent over the other way, but failed to take into account the likely repercussions of allowing the Orangemen march.

A Belfast High Court decision put a stay or injunction on the proposed march but the Court of Appeal in a last minute judgement said it could go ahead – sometimes the law is an ass, making judgements which may accord to the law but which in the wider context are strongly negative. With masses of residents, and others, gathered on the Garvaghy Road to block the parade (illegal according to the law), the PSNI decided it could not go ahead; had it done so, the result would have been chaos and mass violence.

The problem is that some territory in Norn Ireland is not ‘neutral’, just as some actions are not ‘neutral’ either. The Orangemen who want to walk down the Garvaghy Road in Portadown have other, uncontested, ways to get to Drumcree Church (especially the way they arrive from town). The Orangemen claim it is a ‘traditional’ route; ‘traditions’ change and are interpreted to suit current political needs – and areas also change. We might wish that everywhere, all space, in the North is neutral but that is not the reality on the ground. The Orangemen wanted a victory after almost three decades of not getting what they wanted. The saying ‘let sleeping dogs lie’ is apt – but this dog was not just woken but strongly prodded with a stick.

The old myth about the “Queen’s Highway”, well now the King’s, was exploded by the Garvaghy Road based Drumcree Faith and Justice Group https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/2023/12/01/drumcree-before-drumcree/ https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/albums/72157717096321767/ a long time ago (although this terminology seems to be no longer used, the thinking remains the same). This nonviolent, peace-oriented group applied to parade up the town. Loyalist paramilitaries issued a threat and the police (this was before the Parades Commission existed) banned the group from leaving the Catholic area – directly disproving that anyone was entitled to march anywhere. QED there was no such thing as the “Queen’s/King’s Highway” where anyone could go and march. There were also significant loyalist objections to a pro-Palestinian march this year going past but not through a majority Protestant village, Scarva, even though it was not a nationalist parade (the majority of participants, given the politics of the North, would have been from a Catholic background).

There undoubtedly is a principle involved so far as Orangemen and loyalists are concerned. They feel aggrieved to be denied what they consider is the right to march or parade. But a few thousand parades, nearly all loyalist, take place each year and few have any significant conditions attached and generally tolerance is shown in mixed areas. Some nationalist residents’ groups have said that an Orange parade down the Garvaghy Road would put other parading agreements or tacit acceptance elsewhere under pressure. And as regards the law there can be a clash of rights; people may have the right to parade but there is also the right not to be intimidated. And there definitely is such a clash of rights in the Garvaghy Road parading issue.

The problem is also that it is seen entirely as a ‘win/lose’ dispute. This is obvious despite unionist leaders saying the march is not ‘triumphalist’. To quote from the staunchly unionist News Letter of 24th September 2026, “A recent Orange legal challenge which resulted in a damning verdict on the commission’s actions in the High Court has made unionist campaigners on the issue believe they are close to a historic victory” (this result has now happened in terms of Parades Commission and legal judgements). So ‘victory’ for one side – and therefore ‘defeat’ for the other. This is not progress.

A ‘win-win’ result may not be easy but with the right approach over a significant time it should be, or have been, possible. A win-win solution may be unlikely for the foreseeable future as we get back into mutual antagonism; we would be delighted to be proved wrong on this. The Parades Commission determination on the application stated “This decision is not, and should not be perceived, as a victory for one side or a loss for another”; this is wishful thinking, perhaps it shouldn’t but, inevitably, it is. Whether some joint parade down the road with Orangemen and local residents could be ‘a runner’ and a ‘neutral’ event, well, who knows, but it might be seen by both sides as an opportunity to get one over on the other side. Perhaps other imaginative solutions could be tried.

While the DUP and Sinn Féin are undoubtedly acting according to what they believe, it suits both to be seen as their (respectively Protestant or Catholic) community guardians. For the DUP in particular, which has been losing possible voting percentage to the even harder line TUV, it suits to be seen as making a strong stand on such a (sectarian) issue. And for Sinn Féin it does no electoral harm to also be seen to be standing strong. This then puts further pressure on the existence of the Stormont Assembly. Brian Rowan, former BBC News NI security editor said “Was it ever going to be any other way? No it wasn’t. The decision makers missed every beat in the nationalist pulse. “

Some historical perspective is also necessary. When Portadown Twelfth parades went along Obins Street, closer to the town centre, there was very significant rioting and disorder periodically from the late 19th century through to the 1980s when the route was changed. In the mid-19th century there was a British government ban on all parades everywhere for the best part of two decades as they were so controversial and riot-inducing – and note that violence and rioting has been on both sides. So trouble associated with Orange parades in Portadown, and all over the North, is not a new issue or one that was concocted by Catholics and nationalists in the 1990s.

The Apprentice Boys of Derry, a loyalist marching organisation, made a deal with residents in Derry about their big parade; a win-win solution. There were certain unique features around this agreement but it was made in the predominantly Catholic side of the majority Catholic city of Derry. The Orangemen in Portadown could quite possibly also get an agreement over time if they engaged respectfully with the residents through ongoing dialogue and eventually mediation – it would not be easy – and if some people locally refused to engage in an inclusive process then they would be seen to be the intransigent ones and the Orangemen would really win. However when confrontation emerges and one side is perceived to be trying to get ‘one over’ on the other, it takes a long time for the dust to settle.

Mediation, proposed by the Parades Commission before they had to make a ruling, is a voluntary process. Previously rejected by them, Orangemen became in favour of it because the situation would either have stayed the same (no parade) or they would ‘win’. Residents of the Garvaghy Road area were not so keen since the parade has not been coming through for the best part of three decades and any change could be seen as a ‘loss’.

For the Orangemen to march down the Garvaghy Road without the agreement of local residents would be, is, to reopen a very unpleasant can of angry, poisonous snakes. Even without that march actually happening, those angry, poisonous snakes have been set loose. Let us hope the snakes don’t breed too fast. It is to be seen the extent to which they infest the Stormont Assembly and political life more generally. And if it was a game of snakes and ladders, Northern Ireland is definitely sliding down a snake.

The space arms race

Spaced out

The militarisation of space marks a new departure in (some of) humanity’s stupidity. Not content with poisoning the earth with death and destruction, some now want to do the same far above the earth. What next – military bases on the moon with the ‘man in the moon’ being a soldier? This is not far fetched given recent US military comments.

In 1967 an international treaty tried to ban the militarisation of space; this treaty is still in force – the USA was a signatory – but being ignored. Of course satellites used for military purposes have long been around and a key feature of warfare and preparation for it. But directly sending weaponry into ‘space’ is a new and tragic departure in arms races. Once the genie is out of that noxious bottle it is incredibly difficult to put it back.

The usual thinking is at play that if ‘we’ don’t do it the ‘they’ will. The current regime in the USA has a total disregard for international law and a sense of exceptionalism which is even higher than the usual US exceptionalism; rules are for little people, not for us. In September the USA announced they had deployed weapons in space with the justification “to ensure we remain ready to meet the challenges of evolving threats wherever they exist”; the problem is that one country’s expressed readiness, militarily, to meet a threat is understandably seen as a threat to others. And so we can expect Russia and China to also move to deploy weapons in space. The USA’s military Space Force, founded by President Trump in 2019, is growing rapidly.

The answer, of course, is to build up or rebuild international law and disarmament treaties so that people are not threatened by all out arms races and the almost inevitable war and tragedy that follows. For a few decades it seemed like international law, and the likes of the International Criminal Court (ICC), was making progress so that very basic rules were followed or there would be consequences, wherever you were. Now, thanks primarily to the USA and Russia, both aided by fellow travellers or those who look the other way, anything goes. There is a long road to get back to reason and this requires mass mobilisation of, or pressure by, citizens and a change in global culture.

The sky is (not) the limit when it comes to a space arms race. Already we are threatened with annihilation with earth-based weaponry. Now we will be saddled with worries about what is in space, with even more financial cost depriving people of what they need. The danger of accidents just got greater, and accidents that cause harm may be understood as intentional, thus triggering war or conflict. And even without space warfare the area around our globe is becoming polluted with space debris with negative implications for the future.

Having polluted our earth and being in the process of making it uninhabitable for many, we have now moved to pollute and despoil beyond our little planet. What a sad state of affairs it is that we humans, certainly the ones that make the important decisions on such matters, have no shame about doing so. Humanity can do so much better.

Eco-Awareness; Entitlement and genocide

Larry Speight brings us his monthly column –

After watching a documentary on the RTE Irish language station TG4 about the relationship between Irish immigrants and the Indigenous Peoples of North America (Éire agus na chéad náisiúin, broadcast on 5 September) I visited U.S. General Philip Sheridan’s family house in Killinkere, County Cavan. In front of the gable wall stands a large memorial block erected in June 1969 that has an inscription declaring that the house is General Sheridan’s birth place. Sheridan’s place of birth has not been verified. He might have been born on route to the United States or in Albany, New York State as he claimed. Underneath the inscription is a quote from General Ulysess S. Grant dedicated to General Sheridan. It reads –

“He belongs to the very first rank of captains not only of our army but of the world. I rank him with Napoleon and Frederick and the great commanders of history.”

Sheridan, who was born in 1839 and died in 1888, not only fought with utter ruthlessness against the Confederate Army in the American Civil War but committed acts of genocide against the indigenous peoples of the United States. Among the tribes he waged scorched-earth war against are the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Comanche and Kiowa.

As befitting his genocidal actions Sheridan is reputed to have said that “the only good Indian is a dead one.” As with his birth place this is disputed but accords with the view that was common among his military peers and the people who sought to make a home for themselves on land that the indigenous peoples had lived on for generations. On his deathbed Sheridan was honoured by been promoted to the rank of General of the Army.

Although General Sheridan never explicitly advocated the extermination of the indigenous peoples of North America it was more a matter that many of the European settlers and their descendants thought that this is what should happen. This was encapsulated in the idea of Manifest Destiny which considered the indigenous peoples to be an impediment to the fulfilment of God’s plan for the continent which was for it to become the home of the Christian peoples of the world, in particular white people.

The idea of Manifest Destiny was first publicly aired by newspaper editor John O’Sullivan in mid-1845 and promoted by the 11th President of the United States, James K. Polk who mentioned it in his first State of the Union Address on 2 December 1845. For those interested in genealogy the president’s family emigrated from the north of Ireland in the 1720s. John O’Sullivan’s father was from Ireland and his mother from England.

Implicit in the concept of Manifest Destiny is the sense of entitlement. This is the idea that one is entitled to something because they believe they are superior in a multitude of ways to others, perhaps by virtue of their social class or because they believe that what they desire has been bequeathed to them by God. In either case they see their role, their life’s work, to take from others what they think is theirs by right or because they deserve it. On the basis of their sense of righteousness, they don’t regard killing those who have what they want as sinful or as a stain on their character. Their moral defence is that their brutality is sanctioned by an authority higher than them which can be history, government or God. In their eyes, and the group they identify with, they are God’s avenging angel.

It is this sense of entitlement that likely enabled the new arrivals in the United States, Australia and elsewhere to eliminate, contain and enculturate the indigenous peoples. The same credo is evident amongst the Jews who think that Palestine was bequeathed to them by God as stated in Genesis 12: 7, 17:8 and Numbers 34 in the Old Testament/Hebrew scriptures.

The template as to how European colonialists should treat the Indigenous Peoples who had what they wanted might be said to be contained in Exodus, (33:1), the second book of the Bible. A similar message is conveyed in Deuteronomy, (20: 16-17), the fifth book of the Bible.

“But as for the towns of these peoples … you must not let anything that breathes remain alive. You shall annihilate them – the Hittites and the Amorites, the Canaanites and the Perizzites … just as the Lord your God has commanded.”

It is difficult to know if the suffering one group imposes on anther is based wholly on the belief that they are simply doing God’s will or are using God, or an authority such as a government, to disguise their intentions for self-advancement.

We can learn a number of things from Sheridan’s life story. One is that we are susceptible to being brutalised and coming to regard people who appear different from us as of less moral worth than us. Regular exposure to any phenomena makes it seem normal. The once widespread practice of corporal punishment in schools and smoking in enclosed public spaces are examples.

Young children don’t tend to see killing people and eliminating cultures as one of the things they want to do later in life. Nevertheless, a sizeable number grow up to believe that they are entitled to belittle, intimate and kill those they see as a threat. This is largely due to their susceptibility to the message that the group / tribe / nation they identify with is under existential threat. This is at the heart of this September’s cross-community dispute of the Orange Order’s wish, supported by a Court of Appeal ruling, to parade along the Garvaghy Road in Portadown.

One way to counter this narrow sense of belonging and of entitlement is through nurturing the view that there is no ‘other’, that all sentient beings deserve respect and are an integral part of the whole. The Chinese and the Russians are not the enemy, as militarists want us to believe. Nor are people with a different skin colour or culture from us, which is something General P. Sheridan and his ilk did not appreciate. The real impediments to living on good terms with others, and with nonhuman nature, are ignorance, fear and greed.

The Peace Line with Kate Laverty

Beyond the programme: Nonviolence as organisational practice

A central question for organisations engaged in peacebuilding is whether nonviolence should be understood primarily as a discrete area of service provision or as a broader methodology that informs the entirety of organisational practice. In the context of Northern Ireland, this distinction is particularly significant. While there is clear value in creating dedicated spaces, programmes and services through which nonviolence can be taught and practised, there is a risk that such an approach can unintentionally compartmentalise peacebuilding. Nonviolence may become one strand of activity rather than the ethical and methodological framework through which all activity is understood.

There remains an important case for tangible nonviolence infrastructure. Dedicated hubs, programmes and practitioners can provide spaces for dialogue, mediation, restorative practice, conflict transformation and education. They can develop specialist expertise and offer communities accessible spaces in which difficult conversations can take place. In a society shaped by a prolonged history of political violence, communal division and intergenerational trauma, such spaces have considerable practical and symbolic value.

However, the existence of a dedicated nonviolence service does not in itself create a nonviolent organisation.

An organisation may deliver programmes concerned with reconciliation while retaining highly hierarchical internal practices. It may teach dialogue while making decisions without meaningful participation. It may promote dignity externally while reproducing practices internally that leave staff, volunteers or service users feeling marginalised or unheard. It may challenge interpersonal violence while paying insufficient attention to structural inequalities that contribute to conflict, exclusion and social harm.

For this reason, nonviolence may be more productively understood not simply as a programme, but as a methodology.

Such an approach would require organisations to examine the values and assumptions that underpin their everyday work. The relevant questions would extend beyond whether an organisation provides peacebuilding activities. They would include how authority is exercised, how conflict is addressed, how decisions are made, how people experiencing anger or distress are responded to, how accountability is understood, whose voices are included, and how power is distributed within organisational and community relationships.

These are not peripheral questions. They are central to the practice of nonviolence.

This distinction is particularly important in Northern Ireland, where peace has often been measured in terms of the reduction of overt political violence. The transformation brought about through the peace process is substantial, yet significant patterns of division remain embedded within social and community life. Residential segregation, educational separation, interfaces, enduring sectarian attitudes, socioeconomic inequality and competing narratives of identity continue to shape everyday experience.

A meaningful contemporary understanding of nonviolence must therefore extend beyond the prevention of physical violence. It must also examine the conditions in which violence, alienation and social fragmentation become possible. Within Kingian traditions of nonviolence, nonviolence is not synonymous with passivity or conflict avoidance. Rather, it involves an active engagement with injustice while resisting the dehumanisation of those with whom one is in conflict. This is an important distinction within the Northern Irish context, where the avoidance of difficult issues can sometimes be mistaken for reconciliation.

Nonviolence does not require the absence of conflict. It requires a different relationship with conflict. It requires the capacity to challenge injustice without reproducing humiliation, to hold people accountable without denying their humanity, and to acknowledge trauma without allowing past trauma to determine future relationships. It also requires a willingness to address questions of power, inequality and exclusion rather than focusing exclusively on interpersonal reconciliation. Seen in this way, nonviolence becomes relevant across the full spectrum of community practice.

In youth work, for example, a nonviolent methodology would move beyond behavioural management towards an understanding of behaviour as communication. Boundaries and accountability would remain necessary, but they would be exercised in ways that preserve the dignity of the young person and recognise their capacity for change.

In community development, nonviolence would require a shift from delivering services to communities towards building agency and power alongside them. Participation would mean more than consultation. It would involve communities having meaningful influence over decisions that affect their lives.

In organisational leadership, nonviolence would similarly raise questions about the exercise of authority. Leadership would remain responsible for making difficult decisions, but greater attention would be paid to transparency, participation, relationships and the manner in which power is exercised.

Even apparently ordinary organisational practices may carry significance within this framework. Hospitality, welcome, listening and the creation of spaces in which people feel recognised can themselves become forms of peacebuilding. In divided societies, everyday encounters can gradually challenge inherited assumptions about identity and belonging.

This suggests that the most useful distinction may not ultimately be between nonviolence as a hub and nonviolence as a methodology. Both have value, but they serve different purposes. A dedicated hub can provide focus, expertise, visibility and practical resources. It can act as a centre in which nonviolent approaches are taught, developed and tested. However, its purpose should arguably be to influence the wider culture of the organisation and community rather than to contain nonviolence within a single programme. The hub might therefore be understood as an organisational centre of learning and practice rather than the sole location in which peacebuilding occurs. Its success would be measured not only by the number of programmes delivered or participants engaged, but by the extent to which nonviolent principles influence the wider organisation.

This would mean asking whether youth provision reflects those principles. Whether community development practice reflects them. Whether governance reflects them. Whether organisational leadership reflects them. Whether approaches to safeguarding, conflict, staff management, participation and accountability reflect them.

For Northern Ireland, this broader understanding may be particularly important. The next phase of peacebuilding is unlikely to depend exclusively upon formal peace initiatives. It may also depend upon the extent to which the principles associated with peacebuilding become embedded within the ordinary institutions of social life. Youth centres, community organisations, schools, family support services, voluntary organisations and neighbourhood networks all have the potential to become sites in which alternative relationships with power, conflict and difference are practised.

The central question, therefore, may not be whether an organisation has a nonviolence programme. It may be whether nonviolence is recognisable in the way that organisation behaves. A dedicated hub can give nonviolence visibility, expertise and institutional presence. A methodological approach allows it to shape organisational culture and everyday practice.

In the Northern Irish context, the most effective model may require both: a clearly identifiable centre in which nonviolent practice is intentionally developed, alongside a commitment to ensuring that its principles are embedded throughout the organisation. Nonviolence would then cease to be simply something an organisation delivers. It would become part of how the organisation understands its purpose, exercises power, manages conflict and relates to the communities it serves.

Beyond the absence of violence: Building a deeper peace

by Kate Laverty

Sitting today (21.9.26) at the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council’s Making A Difference 2026: Building Belonging conference, I have found myself returning to a deceptively simple question: what do we actually mean when we say that Northern Ireland is at peace?

It is an important question because we have become accustomed to measuring peace through what is no longer happening. Fewer shootings. Fewer bombings. Fewer deaths. Less overt political violence. These are extraordinary achievements and should never be diminished. The first Northern Ireland Peace Index, published this month by Queen’s University Belfast and the Institute for Economics and Peace, gives empirical weight to that progress. Between 2019 and 2025, measures of what researchers describe as Negative Peace — the absence of violence and fear of violence — improved significantly. Yet the structures and relationships associated with Positive Peace improved only marginally.

That distinction matters enormously. Because the absence of violence is not necessarily the presence of peace.

Northern Ireland knows this perhaps better than most places. We can remove the gun without removing the fear. We can stop the riot without addressing the alienation that preceded it. We can construct political institutions while communities continue to experience poverty, exclusion, sectarianism, racism and disconnection. We can become remarkably successful at preventing conflict from becoming violent while remaining much less comfortable with conflict itself.

And perhaps this is where nonviolence has something important to offer the next stage of peacebuilding.

Nonviolence is not the avoidance of conflict. It is a methodology for entering conflict differently.

That distinction is critical. Too often, nonviolence is understood as passivity: being reasonable, remaining calm, avoiding confrontation or simply refusing to retaliate. But serious traditions of nonviolence demand considerably more than restraint. They require people to confront injustice, expose harm, challenge unequal power and refuse to accept conditions that diminish human dignity.

Passivity asks us to endure what is wrong. Nonviolence asks us to confront what is wrong without surrendering the humanity of those with whom we are in conflict. That is a much more demanding proposition.

It requires us to develop the capacity to remain in difficult conversations rather than retreating from them. It requires dialogue that is capable of holding disagreement, rather than dialogue whose success is measured by everyone leaving the room comfortable. It requires de-escalation without silencing legitimate anger. It requires restorative approaches that take harm seriously while refusing to believe that punishment and exclusion are the only meaningful forms of accountability.

And it requires reconciliation to mean considerably more than people learning to be polite to one another. One of the challenges for peacebuilding in Northern Ireland may therefore be that we have occasionally confused managing conflict with transforming it. Conflict management asks how we prevent a situation deteriorating. Conflict transformation asks a deeper question: what is producing this conflict, and what needs to change?

That takes us beyond the immediate argument and into questions of relationships, identity, power, inequality, history and belonging. It asks us to look not only at the people standing on opposite sides of an interface, but at the social conditions surrounding them. It asks why particular communities continue to experience disadvantage; why some young people experience limited routes towards power and recognition; why racism and sectarianism remain capable of mobilising anger; and why confidence in political and public institutions can remain fragile even decades after a peace agreement.

The Peace Index (https://nipi.economicsandpeace.org/) makes that challenge particularly stark. Northern Ireland’s reduction in violence is significant, yet the underlying foundations necessary to sustain peace have moved much more slowly. The research also identifies hate crime as the only Negative Peace indicator to have deteriorated between 2019 and 2025, increasing by 21.5 per cent.

That should make those of us involved in peacebuilding uncomfortable. Not despairing. But uncomfortable. Because discomfort is sometimes where serious peacebuilding begins.

It requires us to ask whether some of our established approaches remain sufficient for the society Northern Ireland is becoming. The Community Relations Council itself has recently supported reflection on whether community-relations practice needs to respond differently to contemporary experiences of identity, belonging and division. That conversation includes sectarianism, but can no longer be confined to the traditional binary understanding of community relations.

Our communities are changing. The forms through which fear and hostility are expressed are changing. The spaces in which conflict develops have changed. Social media can amplify grievance long before it appears on a street. Racism intersects with older territorial and sectarian divisions. Economic exclusion sits alongside questions of cultural identity. Trauma passes through families and neighbourhoods while new generations inherit conflicts they did not create.

Peacebuilding must therefore remain capable of changing too.

This is why I increasingly think that one of the most important capacities we can develop is not the capacity to eliminate disagreement, but the capacity to stay in relationship through disagreement.

That is different. It means teaching young people that conflict is not itself a failure. It means helping communities distinguish between anger and violence. It means creating spaces where people can speak honestly without humiliation becoming the currency of debate. It means being capable of saying, I believe this is wrong. I will oppose it. I will organise against it. I will challenge you on it — but I will not require your destruction in order to prove the legitimacy of my position.

That is the discipline of nonviolence. And there is something deeply relevant within it for Northern Ireland. Our peace process taught the world something extraordinary: political violence that once appeared intractable did not have to remain inevitable. But perhaps the work before us now is more dispersed and, in some respects, more difficult to see. It sits in youth clubs and schools, community organisations and workplaces, neighbourhoods and interfaces. It appears in conversations about migration, flags, language, poverty, policing, constitutional futures and who belongs.

The next stage of peace may not always look like peace negotiations. Sometimes it will look like creating the conditions in which people who profoundly disagree can remain in the same room. Sometimes it will mean restorative work after harm has occurred. Sometimes it will mean challenging structural inequality. Sometimes it will mean refusing racism or sectarianism when silence would be easier. Sometimes it will mean recognising the anger of a young person not simply as behaviour to be controlled, but as information about the world they are experiencing. And sometimes peacebuilding will mean having the courage to permit conflict because genuine transformation cannot occur where difficult truths are permanently suppressed.

The theme of today’s CRC conference is Building Belonging. That feels particularly significant. Belonging cannot simply mean inviting people into structures that remain unchanged. Genuine belonging asks whether people possess voice, agency and power once they arrive. The conference itself is deliberately creating space not simply to celebrate peacebuilding practice but to examine its future direction, including through work on community resilience, youth and identity, inclusion and courageous conversations.

And, when approached through the discipline of nonviolence, a place from which something different can emerge. The absence of violence gave Northern Ireland the possibility of peace. The challenge now is to build the relationships, institutions and social conditions that allow peace to become something more than an absence.

Book review: War is still a lie

War is still a lie

by David Swanson

Published by David Swanson, July 2026, 575 pages

3rd edition of “War is a lie” (2010, second edition of 2015 had a new preface and epilogue) with additional 2026 epilogue. It can be ordered easily online for a reasonable price.

Reviewed by Rob Fairmichael

“The first casualty of war is truth” is an old adage which this book clearly shows to be nonsense; truth was a casualty well before any war reared its ugly head since lies and subterfuge were used to create the conditions for war and to justify building up to it and jumping in to it.

As this book concentrates on the USA, the greatest war maker and war power in the world, it has plenty to go on and there is upwards of six hundred pages of encyclopaedic content. As such it requires concentration and time to read and I didn’t find the basic layout of the book made that easier. While it might be said that a shorter book with less of the, mainly US, lies would still have been an authoritative commentary on the topic and perhaps more accessible, this perhaps ignores the fact that Swanson is continually writing and speaking, as well as heading up World Beyond War (WBW), https://worldbeyondwar.org/ so he is doing that as well.

There are an astounding number of lies and deceptions detailed in this book, originally written in 2010 and now issued in a slightly reworked and added to version. Who knew that the USA was deliberately riling and antagonising Japan in advance of the ‘unprovoked’ attack by Japan on Pearl Harbour, a colonial USA navy facility, in 1941? (page 73) I didn’t. Of course many of the minutiae of US government and government supporter lies are rather less earth shattering than that. And it is so detailed that sometimes the reader, myself in this case, can get lost in what the chapter is primarily about.

But it does have that encyclopaedic coverage. It contains so much about lies, deceptions, wilful ignorance, craven incompetence, and self interested brutality that this issue of Nonviolent News could be filled with just a small proportion of them. It therefore requires restraint in a reviewer to select what is mentioned. The chapters are entitled Wars Are Not Fought Against Evil, Wars Are Not Launched in Defense, Wars Are Not Waged Out of Generosity, Wars are Not Unavoidable, Warriors Are Not Heroes, War Makers Do Not Have Noble Motives, and so on.

His preface says that if he was writing the (whole) book today from scratch he would “probably have focused it less on the United States and I certainly wouldn’t have referred to the United States in the first person. I work too much now as part of a global peace movement.” This is to David Swanson’s credit but as the USA military and military budget dwarfs any other country by a massive margin, it is no harm to focus primarily on it. There are some other references, including war supporting lies from ancient Greece (page 153), and, for example, the machinations of Tony Blair in the UK for war or wars (the index shows any mentions of people such as T Blair).

The book effectively explores a huge amount around the culture of war, especially as expressed in the most militarily powerful country on earth. “Incidents which are ignored in some cases are used as excuses of war in others.” “Wars don’t go where the offenses are; the offenses are found or concocted to fit the desired war.” (page 64) He goes into some detail about the lead up to the 1941 Pearl Harbour attack by Japan on a US naval base. This included a US Navy plan for “’an offensive war of long duration’ that would destroy the military and disrupt the economic life of Japan….As early as 1932 the United States had been talking with China about providing aeroplanes, pilots and training for its war with Japan.”

And what if the USA had not overthrown Iran’s democracy in 1953? (p.94) Would we have there today a brutally harsh religious regime with which the USA is at war, and a war which affects the whole globe? Not likely. He details though perhaps doesn’t expressly explore much the fact that short term interests behind wars (control of oil especially) has been counter-productive in the long term both for the country or countries concerned, for the US of A itself, and for the world in general.

Justifications for war change. He states that “any war today must be justified in humanitarian terms unknown in previous centuries” (page 102) Think of the war excuse of supporting women’s rights in Afghanistan but that was way, way down the list of reasons for military intervention if it actually existed at all – and the end result for women was worse than the first situation. And the ‘Global war on terror’ following 9/11 increased violence and ‘terrorism’ (page 113) War is part of culture; there are non-warring societies and societies that rarely, if ever, go to war. If one society can be like that then so can we all but we live predominantly in a society which lauds its war heroes and military prowess. The Céide Fields in Co Mayo had a peaceful, settled agricultural and non-warlike society living there 5,000 years ago – and we think we have made progress.

He portrays how learnings from one war quickly get forgotten. And never “has a surrogate regime supported by the United States, such as those in Afghanistan and Iraq, made the transition to democracy”. (page 112) He mentions the advantage to warmongers of the change of enemy from communism (in the Cold War) to al Qaeda; “While the Soviet Union could publicly collapse, a secretive and widely dispersed collection of terrorist cells to which we could apply the name of al Qaeda could never be proven to have gone away.” (page 198) Cue perpetual warfare. And aerial bombardment, proven not to work in cowing ‘the enemy’, is utilised nonetheless.

Even little old Ireland consumes vast amounts of war culture as entertainment, and some wish to align 100% with EU militarism and NATO. The Irish establishment justification that ‘things have changed’ with the supposed danger from Russia is ridiculous. Of course there is a danger from Russia when Ireland takes one opposing side which is ramping up its militarism. But the idea that the current situation, world justice, and indeed Irish interests, require a different approach than neutrality, as exercised from the foundation of the Irish state and which saw Ireland through the Second World War relatively unscathed, and the Cold War, is nonsense. Ireland has its own lies being told to fully involve it in the western war culture – and forthcoming wars.

By 2010 the Pentagon was spending half a billion dollars annually on propaganda. (page 286). He details how we have avoided nuclear war by the skin of our teeth but also speaks of the dangers of nuclear power plants as terrorist targets; think also Chornobyl in the Ukraine-Russia war. (page 305) He spends some time on the illegality of war and on US exceptionalism and mentions that fact that a poll in 65 countries in 2013 saw the USA as the greatest threat to peace in the world. (page 396) Some statements are challenging such as that US led slaughter in Afghanistan and Iraq was probably more one-sided, and deadly, than the Israeli slaughter in Gaza. (page 423)

The USA would have to reduce military spending by 99% to match world average expenditures. (page 420) But NATO and ‘the West’ seem to have bought into the US demand for 5% of GDP to be spent on the military, a crazy and inhuman sacrifice to Mars, the god of war. We look totally askance at archaic societies who practised ritual sacrifice but we are, today, quite prepared for the ritual sacrifice of war – and where there is technological superiority, the ritual sacrifice of others. David Swanson does go into some detail on the ‘opportunity cost’ of US expenditure on the military, what great things could be done with the money. Meanwhile there are 861 US military bases around the world, outside the USA, (page 431) and I’m not sure that counts Shannon Airport, a de facto US military base in being a well used transit point.

Of course war is not the only killer. Power and death can be manifested in other ways. Sanctions on Iraq probably caused the death of half a million children, about which Secretary of State Madeline Albright said in 1996 “we think the price is worth it.” (page 106) Tell that to the family of a child who died.

World Beyond War, of which Swanson is executive director, is the relatively new kid on the block in relation to international peace organisations and networks. It is trying to set up national chapters (the US English term used) around the world and it seems to be succeeding. If it seems or seemed to be too US American for some, that will be diluted as it grows stronger internationally though its base in the USA will continue to be an influence. It held its international conference in Limerick in 2019 (see photo album at https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/albums/72157711244251492/ ) It certainly has a dynamism that can be lacking in others though different peace structures internationally have different strengths.

He is good on analysing current wars including the one in Ukraine, and the role of “the West” in helping create that. I do feel he is a bit easy on Vladimir Putin in not mentioning his willingness, already done, to sacrifice a million or so of his citizens, dead or wounded, in pursuit of his greater Russia dream and desire to save face in the war on Ukraine – despite NATO putting him in what is, in conventional militarist terms, a totally unacceptable situation (NATO on his doorstep). Swanson mentions the comparison with the Cuban missile crisis of 1962 when the USA rejected missiles on its doorstep with a threat of nuclear war; this comparison has also appeared numerous times in Nonviolent News.

One positive step which he details, in a very negative situation, is the increase in the number of people who see through war lies, e.g. in relation to the US war on Iran (page 507), and less people willing to fight for their country, the USA, if a war takes place (37% and falling, page 510). He wants people to see, quite rightly, that the next war is a lie.

Swanson’s book is an important one to read for those who believe in peace. But, and I am not accusing Swanson or WBW of failure in this area since that is covered briefly in the book and elsewhere in WBW material, it needs to be balanced with knowledge and information about the possibilities, and successes, of nonviolence and nonviolent action. Why do people believe the myths propagated by the warmongers? Partly because of existing pro-war or pro-military cultures – and the war economy, plus military and national or tribal allegiances. As well as showing the lies we have to construct the alternative, as given in Gene Sharp’s “The Politics of Nonviolent Action”, or shown to work in analysis of violent and nonviolent movements in Chenoweth and Stephan’s book “Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict”. Building the constructive alternative is not easy but slowly does it (see e.g. “Constructive Resistance – Resisting injustice by creating solutions” by Sørensen, Vinthagen and Johansen, 2023)

It is supremely sad that humanity, at this stage of technological progress, has enough knowledge and determination to kill everyone on the planet several times over if it was felt circumstances permitted, but not enough determination or love to overcome the violence, poverty and alienation which afflicts humanity and the global heating which threatens to destroy a massive number of lives and livelihoods and cause so much further strife and misery. Exposing war lies is certainly an essential task in making progress to save humanity from destruction and David Swanson’s book is a very useful contribution to that.

Because of cultural affinity in Europe across the north Atlantic, including Ireland in a particular way, identification with the USA has often been unquestioning. Donald Trump’s idiocy has to some extent put an end to part of that but there hasn’t been a questioning of warfare and war as such, as opposed to rejection of particular wars. We have even seen that in relation to Northern Ireland where few want to go back to war but few extrapolate from the fact that it was inclusive dialogue that provided the breakthrough, backed by public opinion, to see that is what is needed, or part of what is needed, in all international or national conflict situations.

War is a lie and it is part of our job to unpick that lie, or range of lies, so that peaceful alternatives can be chosen instead of people feeling they have no choice but to use war and violence. As the saying goes, if war is the answer then the wrong question is being asked. And those wrong questions and trite answers are putting us all on this planet at huge risk, and already making life virtually unbearable, or indeed terminal, for those in war zones.

Billy King: Rites Again, 343

Billy King shares his monthly thoughts –

We are back into the darker half of the year, past the autumn equinox, and we need the odd extra layer of clothing and a bit of heat. But as I always say, every season has its advantages and cosying up at home as it gets colder and darker outside is one advantage. And of course autumn colours in the trees, leaves flying about, and the swirl and sound of dry leaves, is another wonderful aspect of life in this season.

Chickpot

It is a while since I have given you a recipe to chew on. So here goes. As regular readers and perusers of the INNATE website may know, I have a whole pamphlet on veggie and vegan food in the appropriate section of the website https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/pamphlets/

As with most of the recipes I have shared I don’t give exact measurements as they are open to very considerable variation in ingredients and adjustment to taste. The following vegan ‘Chickpot’, so named because of chick peas and potatoes, is my take on what was given as a breakfast hangover cure (!) but I wouldn’t recommend alcoholic hangovers – or quite the amount of chilli that was in the original recipe unless you like things hot spicy. The recipe was in a small, free magazine that I received with another magazine that I subscribe to; strange. The original title was ‘Potato and chickpea breakfast bomb’.

This is now a regular, adapted, dish in our household and freezes well. It also travels well so it is often transported in a container, placed in a sealed bag in case of any leakage, but the semi-mashed potato absorbs most of the tomato juices. You can then safely carry it in a bag or backpack.

For cooking the main ingredients you can use a wok or a heavy saucepan. Place a few tablespoons of sunflower or whatever cooking oil you wish to use in your pot and use a medium high heat. Place a teaspoon or two of cumin seeds in the heating oil until they are pungent – don’t let them burn (if you don’t have cumin seeds, use ground cumin later). Then sauté 300 – 400g of onions (white, red or both) along with a well chopped, deseeded chilli, and a couple of well chopped garlic cloves. Let that cook, stirring frequently, until the onions are going a golden brown.

We cook the spuds, about 700g cut into 2 – 3 cm pieces, in a pressure cooker but you can also steam them at room pressure or cook in water. You want them cooked and hot when the rest is done and that requires guesswork or calculation. When the onions are cooked as above, add your tomatoes. If you have fresh tomatoes you could use half a dozen, chopped; you can alternatively use a tin of tomatoes…and add a couple of fresh chopped ones if you like. You want the tomatoes to be cooked and reduce a bit so whether you use fresh or tinned this might take 15 – 20 minutes with a lower heat. I also add 50 – 60g of tomato puree. Add salt or soya sauce to taste and possibly a teaspoon of turmeric.

When you have your onion and tomato mixture at about the desired consistency, add your cooked chickpeas to heat them. Of course other beans are possible but chickpeas are the best at keeping firm rather than mushy. You could even use defrosted frozen peas. If using a tin of beans I would use one tin or equivalent but you can use more – as I say this is a very adaptable dish.

When the potatoes are done, drain them and half mash them, i.e. you want both some mash to absorb some of the tomato mixture and some potato pieces to remain. Mix this potato in with the onions and tomato and serve. You can use chopped coriander, parsley, dried fried onion or nooch (look it up) or its constituent ingredient nutritional yeast (e.g. Engevita) as a garnish. Serve with your favourite chutneys or pickles. The above should serve four as a meal in itself but you can serve a veg, nuts or toasted sunflower seeds with it. However experiment with all of this until you get it the way you want, it is a very flexible recipe. Bon appetit.

The growing season

The times they are a changin’ and global heating is making its mark. We have a smaller garden than we used to so what I can grow is very limited. Intending to get a small greenhouse for the growing season this year, I decided it would ‘take over’ the available space and instead we bought a ‘glass cabinet’ kit to go against a wall; it is under 2 x 2 x 0.5 metres in terms of dimensions and you don’t walk into it, it has sliding glass panels at the front. It wasn’t cheap but is actually very flexible with removable or foldable shelves which can be used for little seedlings in the spring and then these shelves are folded or removed for when whatever you are growing as a summer crop, tomatoes in my case, need the space.

As instanced before, I grow most herbs in tubs or window boxes, and the availability of home grown herbs is Priority No.1 in a small garden because of their instant availability when you decide or discover you need such and such for a dish you are preparing in the kitchen. And buying herbs isn’t cheap while having most of your own is easy and cheap – most are perennials with a plant lasting for years. Parsley (the favourite herb of grammarians…) and scallions are exceptions and I don’t bother with the latter as we have a variety of chives (some early, some later, and garlic chives which stand longer in the winter) and Welsh onions which we use like chives (leaving the bulb and cutting the stem).

Outdoor cucumbers grow very well in tubs, training them up a few bamboo stakes and they feel like a different vegetable to shop bought ones with (organic ones having) a rather higher solid matter ratio. The biggest contrast in taste between shop bought veg and home grown is probably tomatoes; you can buy slightly more tasty tomatoes in the shops, at a price, but home grown ones are a real treat.

Some of our tomatoes, not a lot, ended up with a dark mark or part on the bottom from the plants drying out in this summer’s heat. I had space for a couple of courgettes in a ground bed and put another couple in tubs……they and the cucumbers got powdery mildew later on in the season which I treated with potassium permanganate spray which certainly helped (potassium permanganate is also used in processing cocaine….).

In terms of flowers of the annual variety I like cosmos, though some cosmos plants grew luxuriantly but left it very late to flower. The only explanation I can see is excess nitrogen though as I use a plant-based fertiliser I would have thought this was less likely to happen. The ones that grew less luxuriantly flowered better and earlier but as some with differing responses were planted close to each other I still don’t understand it. I also grew statice, some for drying, and my old helichrysum seeds didn’t germinate – I’ll use fresh seeds next year. I have a small heated propagator which I start off a succession on seedlings in the spring and that is very helpful in getting seeds off to a flying start; I was given it by a kindly neighbour who didn’t use it, many moons ago.

The miracle of plant growing and nature at work is a constant source of amazement to me. A seed a few millimetres long can become a multi-headed sunflower over two metres tall. With a small garden, space is at a premium so as one thing gets taken out, in my case cucumbers that are ‘done’, something else takes their place such as spring-cropping salad leaves like land cress that I sowed in August.

Momviolence

‘Mom’ is the USA-English affectionate diminutive of ‘mother’ but also used as a collective term as in ‘Soccer moms’. I made an interesting typo recently in an email when, with ‘m’ and ‘n’ being beside each other on the qwerty keyboard, I typed ‘momviolence’ instead of ‘nonviolence’. It certainly won’t have been the first time that has happened but I thought to myself, that’s an interesting concept.

’Nunviolence’ was said to have applied in the popular nonviolent movement in the Philippines in 1986 which overthrew the corrupt and brutal regime of Ferdinand Marcos, since many religious sisters were involved. But momviolence is a wider concept; think Mothers of the Disappeared in Chile and Argentina. Think of the women in Liberia nonviolently forcing the civil war leaders to come to an agreement (as portrayed in the film “Pray the Devil back to Hell”). Even the early Peace People upsurge in Northern Ireland in 1976 could be said to be an example of momviolence. Then there are the women of Greenham Common in England from the early 1980s. You can think of many more examples.

The struggle for women’s equality goes on and, even without the manosphere backlash, has no end in sight. When two sides are unequal – think pre-Troubles inequality in Northern Ireland – and one side makes advances, the other side can feel they have lost out and, incorrectly, that they are in an inferior position because the status quo was considered ‘equality’ or ‘fair’ and relative positions have changed. This can go on for a long time, again think Norn Iron and loyalists who feel they are disadvantaged politically. Of course men’s role has changed and is changing but that is a Good Thing and not something that should feel threatening but uncertainty can be unsettling; however what progress women have made towards equality can be under attack when negative masculinist men feel they have lost out.

When women act in the public sphere stemming from their ‘traditional’ role as carers and nurturers it can be particularly powerful and challenging for the powers that be, as in the examples above. That of course is not the only role for women since they are also a slight majority of ‘homo’ sapiens and can and do act simply as human beings.

Tough at the top – for climate criminals

My obscene quote of the month comes from a report in the Irish Times about prep for the golfing Ryder Cup in Adare next autumn. “The general manager of Ashford Castle in Co Mayo has warned that if you don’t have your helicopter already booked for the Ryder Cup at Adare Manor Hotel in Limerick next September “you are not going to get it”.” https://www.irishtimes.com/business/2026/09/25/ashford-castle-manager-warns-over-difficulty-in-booking-helicopters-for-ryder-cup/

Private helicopter travel should be banned on ecological grounds. And in any case no one should have the money to splurge on helicopter travel. Of course search and rescue, ambulance and firefighting helicopters etc should be used but for the filthy rich to be able to travel this way shows their contempt for the rest of humanity. So there.

You just don’t know

You just don’t know what you do or say that will have an effect. There is a great reflective piece in the relaunched, September 2026, issue of the British peace magazine Peace News (see News section this issue) about ‘Remembering Randy Kehler’ who was a prominent US peace activist. Paul Wesley recalled being very disappointed in a talk Randy Kehler gave in 1969 about resisting conscription and the draft; he expected and wanted a tub-thumping speech, which Kehler was capable of giving, but instead “he gave a very personal and gentle description of the values and emotions that had led to his decision to accept jail rather than compromise his commitment to nonviolent activism.”

One of those attending the conference concerned supported the war in Vietnam. But he was so affected by Kehler’s speech that he sat down on the toilet floor and cried. This guy had top secret documents which “showed in forensic detail how successive presidents had lied continuously to the American public about their conduct of the war in Vietnam.” He knew that if he released the documents he would likely end up in prison. He did release the papers but he was acquitted at trial. The papers were the famous Pentagon Papers and the man concerned was Daniel Ellsberg – who later declared “No Randy Kehler, no Pentagon Papers!”

When we speak out and witness to an alternative, peaceful way we usually have no way of knowing the effect, and indeed nine times out of ten, ninety-nine out of a hundred, that effect may be nil or minimal. But we have spoken our truth and sometimes that does hit home and make a difference.

–

I recently read Joseph O’Connor’s excellent book (fiction with some basis in fact) ‘Shadowplay’ about the life and writing endeavours of Dublin man Bram Stoker, particularly his struggle to be a writer. It was only after his death that his ‘Dracula’ came to prominence, partly through film. But reading this recently seemed quite apposite as the blood-sucking issue of Drumcree re-emerged during the month, truly the Un-Dead are gathering. No one managed to get a stake through the heart of the Drumcree issue three decades ago – I don’t favour stakes or even steaks through the heart of any beings, even vampires – and it is again terrifying people and causing an unsettling stir. [What a lurid point to end on – Ed] [I like to get my teeth into topical issues – Billy]

That’s me for now. Alexander Pope’s line that “Hope springs eternal in the human breast” is true, and just as well, because sometimes we need to draw on all the hope we can to continue in a world which seems so hell bent on destroying itself one way or another – ecologically and/or violently. So let us hope, build, sow (a bit of sewing wouldn’t be amiss either), show the way of peace for people and the earthy earth itself – Billy.

News, September 2026

Fivemiletown and Belfast as potential Russian targets

Fivemiletown, Co Tyrone, has been named as a potential Russian target in the UK, one of 23 so identified by former Deputy Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin, see e.g. https://vt.co/news/world/23-locations-in-the-uk-have-been-named-on-russia-nuke-list because of the presence of Cooneen Defence, a large scale supplier of uniforms to the UK and other militaries. An understatement of the century in the above report is that “Experts warn that a nuclear attack on Fivemiletown would be catastrophic.” Belfast is also listed in relation to Harland and Wolff, Spirit Aerosystems, and Thales. DUP leader Gavin Robinson said this showed how Northern Ireland benefitted from UK protection….whereas INNATE would say not being involved in the war industry would be a far greater protection for everyone everywhere….

Afri Doolough sponsored cycle

On 12th September there is a sponsored ‘Famine’ Walk Solidarity Cycle on the same Louisburgh-Doolough route (though both ways for the cycle) as the summer Afri ‘Famine’ Walk. This is to be led by Joe Murray, former Afri coordinator, and Richard Moore, of Children in Crossfire. This will support Afri’s work for peace, justice, human rights and sustainability. The start will be in Louisburgh Town Hall at 12 noon. More info at https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O3vp3_a8Cy5MEXA2KTn6pVfZNyt57rN9/view Afri website is at www.afri.ie

Hiroshima Lanterns for Peace

Pax Christi International has been involved in a new vigil initiative in August to mark the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings, using traditional lanterns as symbols of remembrance, peace, hope, and nuclear disarmament. INNATE held such a vigil in Belfast https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/55445646490/in/dateposted/ despite Fleadh Cheoil na hÉireann being in full swing in the city at the time. See https://paxchristi.net/lanterns-for-peace-from-hiroshima-to-the-world/

Include. Everyone. Everywhere. Everyday.

This is the title of Good Relations Week in the North which is from 12th – 18th October, now running annually for over twenty years and involving a wide range of groups. The aim is to use workshops, panel discussions, talks, podcasts, film screenings, performances, storytelling and shared experiences to encourage people to connect, listen to different perspectives and build greater understanding across communities. The closing date for participation is 1st October. See https://goodrelationsweek.com/

Portadown Carlingford North South peace camino

The North South Way Peace Camino is a 33miles / 53km shared island walking route from Portadown to Carlingford, following the Newry Canal Towpath and Carlingford Lough shoreline. It passes through Scarva, Poyntzpass, Newry and Omeath. See https://northsouthwaypeacecamino.com/pilgrims-for-peace/ and northsouthwaypeacecamino.com/upcoming-events-2/ which details a walk on 30th September when there is an 8.5 mile/13.7 km walk along some of the way Portadown-Omeath with the rest by bus. This peace camino has been developed by REACT Armagh https://www.facebook.com/ArmaghREACT/ to work for connection across communities, safe, shared and inclusive spaces, opportunities for healing and reflection, community-led peacebuilding and opportunities to bring people together as one for peace. northsouthwaypeacecamino@gmail.com

Global education in Ireland

A very useful peer review look at global/global citizen education in Ireland was published in June by GENE, the Global Education Network Europe. It runs to 105 pages and outlines the evolution which has happened since the 1970s in this area, the current situation and also makes recommendations. Available at https://tinyurl.com/fsdzv3j7

ICCL on threats to crime and security journalism in Ireland

While police surveillance of journalists, and attempts to illegally identify their sources, is relatively well known about in Northern Ireland (e.g. the Vincent Kearney case), ICCL/Irish Council for Civil Liberties has published, in cooperation with Reseach Ireland and Maynooth University, a well researched 60-page study involving interviews with 23 journalists working in the North and South of Ireland on crime and security. One of the conclusions is that An Garda Síochána routinely question Irish journalists in an effort to identify their confidential sources – despite journalistic protection of sources being a key cornerstone of a free media. But there are other major concerns, North and Republic, including issues of gendered threats to women journalists and that “Many non-specialist participants felt that the relationship between specialist crime and security journalists and the police (PSNI or An Garda Síochána) is too close and undermines objective reporting on policing in Ireland.” The report can be downloaded via https://www.iccl.ie/news/an-garda-siochana-questions-journalists-confidential-sources/ There are Irish government plans to “give gardaí greater powers to search journalists’ digital devices without adequate protection or safeguards for journalists” but as ICCL states “We need to be protecting the rights of journalists, not stripping them away.” 

Podcast interview with AVP/Alternatives to Violence Project

AVP, the Alternatives to Violence Project, https://www.avpireland.ie/ is a vitally important resource in relation to violence and nonviolence, society, and prisons. A 45-minute Social Justice Ireland interview with AVP coordinator Lisa Oelschlegel and former AVP participant Robert Cullen is available at https://tinyurl.com/5b2dsrnc AVP depends on volunteer facilitators and details on getting involved, along with other information, is on the website.

Eco Congregation Ireland: Resources for Season of Creation

Eco Congregation Ireland and its monthly newsletter is an important resource and source for Christians and Christian churches who recognise the importance of green and ecological issues, including the interaction with their faith. The September issue has a list of links for material marking the Season of Creation. Celebrated annually from 1st September to 4th October —the Feast of Saint Francis of Assisi – this ecumenical season mobilises churches, faith-based organisations, and communities worldwide to respond to the ecological crisis. For 2026, the official theme is “Living Water.” https://www.ecocongregationireland.com/

Demilitarise for the Just Transition!

The third annual Week of Action for Peace & Climate Justice, backed by a wide variety of groups, is taking place from 21st – 27th September and will address the links between war, militarism/militarisation and social, economic and climate injustice; the title of the week is Divest from War – Invest in The Just Transition! It will promote grassroots action and policymaking to confront both genocide and ecocide – for peace and a just systemic transition.   See https://climatemilitarism.org/weekofaction/ Source: War Resisters’ International www.wri-irg.org

Trump Trump Trump (etc)

The current POTUS/President of the USA is expected in Ireland for the weekend beginning 12th September including attending some of the Irish Open golf tournament at the golf course he owns at Doonbeg, Co Clare, plus a possible turning of the sod for the planned new USA embassy in Ballsbridge, Dublin, among a few other engagements. Look out for protests or DIY. Lex Innocentium’s statement on the visit includes, after listing the wars and violence he has engaged in, that “He has shown utter contempt for the principles of international law and created an environment of bullying and fear across our world” and “We reject President Trump’s attitude to the natural environment – denying climate change, promoting continued and excessive use of fossil fuels and taking sometimes wrongful measures to sell toxic and destructive fracked gas around the world.” Their statement concludes “It is time to put an end to international conflict and for all of us, together, to focus on protecting our shared home, Planet Earth.” https://lexinnocentium21.ie/

WBW War Abolisher Awards

The 2026 War Abolisher Awards from World Beyond War were given to No Foreign Bases in Ecuador, Mazin Qumsiyeh and Jessie Chang Qumsiyeh, the Directors of Earth’s Greatest Enemy, Palestine Action, and Flotillas to Gaza. An 80 minute video is available at https://worldbeyondwar.org/war-abolisher-awards/

Keep Ireland LNG / fracked gas free

The Irish government’s plans for a LNG (liquefied natural gas) terminal in Clare “means inconceivable harm and pollution for communities in Clare—and beyond” says Friends of the Earth, and makes nonsense of the 5-year old Climate Law and puts Ireland even further behind its climate targets. Indeed the government is disapplying section 15 of that Act in relation to LNG, Dublin Airport, and infrastructure. Residents of the Republic can urge their TD to vote against the LNG Bill in the Dáil via https://www.friendsoftheearth.ie/act/stop-the-lng-bill/ FOE goes on to say “Ireland banned fracking nearly a decade ago for its severe impact on health and the environment. How can the Government now be pushing to bring in fracked gas through the back door via this Bill?”

Universal Basic Income (UBI) and a wellbeing economy: Ireland

In July Feasta launched a report on “Universal Basic Income and a Wellbeing Economy: A Proposal for Ireland”; “It is well-established now that the ecological transition will require a broad economic transformation. Changes are needed not only in production and consumption patterns, but also in overarching economic objectives. The paper’s central argument is that this transformation needs to include a Universal Basic Income (UBI).” See https://www.feasta.org/2026/07/13/paper-launch-july-24-at-1pm-irish-time/ for more info and download.

ICCL urges defence of International Criminal Court (ICC)

ICCL/Irish Council for Civil Liberties has urged the Irish government to use its EU Presidency to actively defend the ICC against the US attempt to dismantle it. https://www.iccl.ie/news/ireland-eu-protect-international-criminal-court/

Editorials: Northern Ireland – The good, the bad, and the decidedly ugly

You might say that everywhere there is a mix of the good, the bad and the ugly – it just depends on the strength of the mix. This summer has certainly seen all kind of everything in Northern Ireland. An editorial in the last issue https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/2026/07/02/editorials-racism-nonviolence/ looked at the racist pogrom of June in Belfast which was an incredibly ugly and hate filled affair. And yet in August we had Fleadh Cheoil na hÉireann taking place, also in Belfast, which was a wonderful cultural affair – and to a considerable extent cross-community, a very considerable achievement given that it was primarily a festival of ‘traditional’ Irish music and dance. And, thankfully, Irish music continues to evolve and develop and is outward looking in terms of relating to other cultures.

So are we talking about different worlds here which never interact? Yes and no. The involvement of loyalist bands through the Belfast Bands Forum was a positive step forward in inclusiveness. Undoubtedly many loyalists chose not to be involved or attend, and perhaps some republicans might have looked askance at militantly loyalist involvement, albeit in the guise of music. However in terms of inclusiveness and feel good factor it was an amazing affair. And there was little or no trouble, just a few reports of minor attacks or threats on people walking home from the Fleadh after midnight – extremely unwelcome but an incredibly positive advance on streets where people were regularly slaughtered for sectarian reasons just a few decades ago.

Business was booming for pubs and static or mobile eateries with an estimated 1.6 million visits made to the Fleadh (though one person attending every day of the Fleadh might count as 8 visits) but it was the most visited Fleadh Cheoil na hÉireann to date, and double the number estimated beforehand. It was a cultural milestone and the Assembly Rooms, site of the 1792 harp festival, and now owned by the city, was one of the venues.

There will certainly be a knock on, positive effect in the cultural world. Expect to see more cross-community collaborations. Expect to see more people from the northern Protestant community taking an interest in trad, and possibly more interest in marching bands by people from the northern Catholic community. Such an event was simply unimaginable just a few decades ago. It will have a long term positive effect on community relations but how appreciable that will be remains to be seen,

However there are limits to the knock on effect. It is highly unlikely to make any direct impact on the political world and the sectarian divisions which bedevil Northern Ireland and decision making at Stormont. Change, unfortunately, is not going to happen in this sphere because people came together for a week long cultural binge. Divisions are much too entrenched and (metaphorically) in people’s DNA for that to happen. There is no clear way forward so far as the political parties are concerned beyond the blame game – and that gets Norn Iron nowhere except backwards.

And the problem is also that the North is also hostage to the past in other ways. The race pogrom of June happened so easily not just because of the modern communication methods of social media but because of the old tradition of sectarian violence. Except now instead of of religious-cultural identity being the marker for attack, it was racial identity. And that is also highly ironic given the low level of migrants in Northern Ireland, 6%, half of whom have white or ‘pink’ skin. Ignorance and prejudice concerning incomers is a dangerous factor indeed.

But there is another aspect, and this also relates to the past. A small number of people can create a lot of fear and violence if they put their mind to it – and this also reflects the experience of the Troubles to some extent. There were only a few hundred people involved in the pogroms and racist violence of June but they were well prepared, and using the memory of fear from the past Troubles conflicts and crisis. Civic society and community groups did respond very significantly to support victims and people threatened, and there were many more involved at this level than involved in the violence, but it was the violence that got the attention – as it always does.

There are no magic solutions to the divisions in Northern Ireland and unfortunately sectarian violence has to some extent transmogrified, magically transformed into racist violence. Sectarianism still exists and the extent to which it has been diluted is a moot point. And neither option of continuing in the ‘United’ Kingdom or moving to a united Ireland is in itself a solution; there are far more issues to be settled than that. One is ensuring that people can feel comfortable and safe in their identity, whatever the nature of the state. Another is ensuring that there is a viable decision making process to deal with the real problems that people face in the North. And both of these areas require a huge amount of work, and good will, to take forward viable solutions.

Thankfully with the end of the Troubles, Northern Ireland has stopped digging itself deeper and deeper into a hole. But it has not yet worked out how to get the cooperation necessary to get itself out of that hole – an ancient one dating back to the Plantation of Ulster if not further. There are many who are working to build a way out and there are some who wish to thwart that effort. But that sectarian hole has not yet been overcome. It will eventually and the question is how this can be done most speedily and effectively but, given its nature, we are talking more decades and even generations.

Irish neutrality and NATO: The boot – or discussion – should be on the other foot

Paradoxically, being ‘neutral’ in life is taking a stand, particularly when it comes to politics and conflict. It may be a stand not to get involved, but that itself is a stand, a decision, and whether that stand is positive or negative – or indeed ‘neutral’ or impartial – depends on the context. In the case of Irish neutrality it is not only a stand not to get involved in others’ wars but also a stand for peace.

The military commander of NATO, Alexus Grynkewich, when visiting Ireland (why?) recently called for a debate about Irish neutrality https://www.irishtimes.com/ireland/2026/08/12/nato-chief-calls-for-conversation-on-usefulness-of-irish-neutrality-in-changing-world/ and that is good – if it is an open ended discussion and not a biassed attempt, like the 2023 Consultative Forum on International Security Policy, to go in just one – NATO and EU militarist – direction. The Irish government and establishment seem content to run neutrality into the ground and then say we need something different when what we need is a more dynamic, fearless and imaginative policy of active neutrality. Grynkewich was wise enough, or well enough briefed, not to call for or hint at a preference for an end to Irish neutrality, because of its popularity, but clearly would envisage only a debate leading in one direction.

But as well as that debate on Irish neutrality, perhaps even more importantly we could and should have a debate and discussion about NATO, its policies, history and actions, and indeed its very existence. Given that the EU is increasingly the European arm of NATO this is more wide ranging than Irish involvement in various NATO programmes without being a formal member.

The first point to make is that NATO holds nuclear weapons through the USA, France and the UK. Ireland is supposedly opposed to anyone holding nuclear weapons and has worked significantly in the past to limit them. But not only does NATO hold nuclear weapons, it has no policy of avoiding ‘first use’, a disastrous policy which risks global annihilation very directly. Nuclear weapons are also illegal in international law, a fact ignored by the powers that be. It is more luck than good management that we have not had nuclear weapon disasters, intentionally or unintentionally, since 1945. All of this makes collusion with NATO by the Irish state unacceptable.

A second point relates to NATO’s raison d’etre. It was set up in 1949 as a military counterweight to Russian/Soviet communist military power though its opposite, the Warsaw Pact, only followed in 1955 when West Germany joined NATO. But instead of disbanding, as would have been appropriate, in 1989 with the disintegration of the Soviet system it went on to look for new enemies – which it found in militarist Islamic fundamentalism before finding an enemy in Russia once again. There is a poster on the INNATE website https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/posters/ about NATO which states “NATO – Helping to create and maintain enemies since 1949”. There is a severe disconnect between what NATO was set up to do, as in its Charter, and what it actually does (see later in this piece).

Here it is relevant to discuss the general western, as well as NATO, approach to Russia from 1989 onwards. The failure to support Russia when things fell apart and rampant capitalism came to the fore, impoverishing most of the population, re-emphasised the old Russian desire for a ‘strong’ leader (cue Vladimir Putin); the adoption of western majority rule or majoritarian democracy (‘bolshevism’ in Russian as Peter Emerson would point out) supported the same direction. But, and this directly concerns NATO, the western promise made then not to expand NATO into eastern Europe was ignored.

Of course you can understand former parts of the Soviet empire in the Baltic and Eastern Europe wanting to be part of a military alliance to protect themselves against a possible Russian onslaught and enslavement in the future. But the encroachment of NATO on Russian borders created considerable unease in a country suffering unprovoked attacks from the west in the past (including under Napoleon, by the ‘Allies’ after the First World War, and by Hitler) – and also gave Putin excuses. A neutral buffer zone would have been a wise choice – and one which NATO ignored; this could have been used to develop neutrality more generally in Europe. NATO expansion to its borders was certainly one factor in Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. As we have pointed out on occasions before, the USA threatened nuclear war when Soviet missiles were based in Cuba in 1962; how was Ukraine being in NATO to be different in terms of a perceived threat to Russia?

But if we look at other aspects of NATO history it is also a sorry tale. NATO got involved in the disaster that was USA and western involvement in Afghanistan. Here is just one incident: “Following an alleged Taliban attack on a nearby police station, NATO forces flew overhead to ‘engage’ the militants. If the engagement includes bombing the area under scrutiny, it would be more accurate to say that NATO aimed to puree the militants. But in this case, the bombers mistook the children for militants and killed six of them, aged 6 to 12. Local police said there were no Taliban at the site during the attack, only children.” (Kathy Kelly quoted in David Swanson’s “War is still a lie”, page 263). The net result of western and NATO failure in Afghanistan was to leave a far worse situation than if they had never intervened.

NATO involvement in Libya in 2011 was also disastrous, and not just for Libya. Its culmination in the death of Muammar Gaddafi led to chaos in Libya, and the spread of militant military Islamism and more general destabilisation in North Africa. The UK was involved and a parliamentary report there subsequently concluded that the threat to civilians as a reason for intervention was overstated and that they didn’t realise there was a substantial Islamist faction within the rebels. So this was another case of shooting first and asking questions when it is too late.

There are also major questions about NATO involvement in Kosovo. While the international peacekeeping force may seem well-intentioned, and includes Irish troops, the 1999 NATO bombing campaign has a variety of questions to be asked including whether such NATO action exacerbated ethnic cleansing there, and the extent to which civilian targets were deliberately bombed, and civilian lives risked and people killed. Here, as elsewhere, NATO is acting outside of the geographical remit and definitions set in its own Charter, as it does in many cases acting illegally without or beyond a UN mandate. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K8q-curesvY NATO makes the rules up as it goes along without getting members’ agreement to change what it proclaims about itself.

A final point is NATO policy, adopted in 2025, for member countries to to spend 5% of GDP on the military (this increased from a 2% commitment in 2014!). This is obscene at any time but at at this juncture when the greatest global crisis is climate change and heating it is beyond obscene, and a dangerous distraction from the plight of poor and oppressed people everywhere. Such expenditure is next to crazy. And militarism contributes to global heating and pollution even if no guns are fired or drones launched. NATO thinks in terms of military ‘security’ when what we urgently need is thinking in terms of human security.

We need a discussion about NATO which the Irish government and establishment seem to think is a Good Thing even if they recognise Ireland will not be joining anytime soon – just cosying up as close as it can with involvement but without formal membership. It is not a Good Thing. It is a dangerous militarist alliance which belongs in the dustbin of history. It is based on outmoded thinking about military power, violence, conflict and war. Let’s talk about that and about positive ways of dealing with international conflict – and about conflict in general and for General Alexus Grynkewich in particular.