All posts by Rob Fairmichael

No More Hiroshimas, No More Nagasakis

Testimony and Reflections on Nuclear Disarmament Public Event, Dublin,

15 October 2025

– A report by Caroline Hurley

Background

Afri (Action from Ireland: supportively linking Irish colonisation experience to ongoing justice struggles elsewhere) and Irish CND (the Irish Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament) jointly held two public events Wednesday, October 15th, hosted by the Irish Quakers at Friends Meeting House, Eustace Street, Dublin. Both centred on the powerful testimony of Kyoko Gibson, a second-generation Hiroshima survivor, who has dedicated her life to ending nuclear horrors, and on this trip, was scheduled to make five appearances. This is a record of the Wednesday afternoon session, when Kyoko’s talk was followed by reflections from Dr. Iain Atack, and Dr. David Hutchinson-Edgar, CND. Martin Leavy of the Irish Quakers, and Katie Martin of Afri, co-chaired proceedings, which included audience Q&As, music, videographer, and refreshments.

80 years after the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, when more than 200,000 people were killed, the intention was to create spaces to reflect on the legacy of Hiroshima, the power of testimony, and Ireland’s role in promoting peace, disarmament and global solidarity. Martin Leavy stressed abhorrence of violence as a core Quaker value, before Katie Martin outlined the agenda, and introduced Kyoko Gibson as a beacon of peace honouring survivors and alerting the world.

Personal Testimony – Kyoko Gibson

Kyoko’s story offers a profoundly moving reminder of the human cost of nuclear war and the urgent need for peace and disarmament. Through her words and witness, she carries forward the memory of Hiroshima so that such devastation is never repeated.”

Born in 1948, three years after the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, Kyoko Gibson is a second-generation Hibakusha — a Japanese term for survivors of the nuclear attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Growing up in a community marked by devastation, she witnessed first-hand the ongoing struggles of families living with loss, illness, and stigma. These experiences have profoundly shaped her lifelong commitment to peace. Only in 2002 did she feel ready to visit the Hiroshima Museum and confront more evidence. Hiroshima is now a beautiful city of peace. Despite ongoing emotional pain, Kyoko carries forward her past memories through her testimony and activism, in the hope that such devastation is never repeated.

Kyoko worked as an assistant manager with a Japanese electric company before retiring, and now lives in Wales with her husband, three children, and seven grandchildren. She is the Women’s General Leader for Wales and the Marches in Soka Gakkai International (SGI-UK), a global lay Buddhist movement promoting peace, culture, and education with more than 12 million members in 192 countries. In 1957, then SGI President Toda made a key declaration condemning nuclear weapons as an absolute evil which threaten humanity’s right to live, and calling for their prohibition. This message was subsequently promoted internationally by Daisaku Ikeda who in 2003, proposed, “developing a life-sized paradigm by which to understand our world and where we stand in it. By “life-sized” here [he said] I am referring to a way of thinking that never deviates from the human scale.” This idea remains peripheral but potent. How weapons decision-makers display no compassion or obligation to those wounded and killed by their contributions is a key challenge. Accountability would assuage anger.

Kyoko referred to the calculated cruelty of the bombers who that day chose Hiroshima, with its 350,000 residents, partly because of the clear sky to enable observation of after-effects. Dropping the bomb took only ten seconds. 70,000 people died instantly in this man made hell. Survivors were left without information on risks for years. Kyoko was later diagnosed with a weakened immune system, and required treatment for cancer and heart conditions. People are still dying today from radiation-related deaths. Those belatedly ill from contamination were omitted from statistics. Harms went beyond physical to mental health, as suicide rates and PTSD symptoms soared. People feared their own bodies. Some were left with giant burn marks. Talking about the trauma was, and remains, very difficult. Even witnessing the suffering was excruciating. Kyoko recalled her mother (who was cynical about her joining the peace movement as a young woman) crying out for her mummy on her deathbed as she relived the terrors of 6th August, 1945. Now, the Ukraine crisis makes the nuclear threat real again.

Of 12,331 nuclear weapons currently in existence, about 3,000 are active warheads. Their testing and usage have been largely driven by nationalism and irresponsible thirst for knowledge. Scientists warn that fallout cannot be contained but spreads everywhere on earth. Remembrance must lead to action, to stop nuclear disasters from ever happening again.

Two songs, The Little Girl of Hiroshima, and Savage Pride, were performed by Joe Black.

Scholarly Peace Activism – Dr. Iain Atack

Former lecturer in International Peace Studies (now retired) and author Iain Atack then spoke about resisting militarism as a peace activist, and how to deal nonviolently with conflict. The threat of a nuclear arms race, with weapons being located in Europe, was a top motivation for his involvement. Because social and economic conditions structure conflicts, war is part of this institutionalised system which reinforces war events. War capacity is built up with finance, development, the military-industrial complex, the arms trade, conscription, and military bases. Seeing how the war system follows power and politics gives a three-dimensional understanding of the reality. The most dangerous war threat still comes from nuclear weapons. The nine nuclear states continue to make and modernise bombs, influencing other countries.

The sane sustainable alternative is creating human and ecological security, which would mean a complete overhaul of state defence for multi-dimensional security including protecting human and nature rights. Military priorities are antithetical to these values, best exemplified by negative impact on climate change. Carbon emissions from the war system constitute at least 5% of total, equal to the fourth highest culprit country. The solution is to intensify work on human and environmental protection in international relations and global politics. Popular support for these goals indicates potential willingness to socially re-organise accordingly and cooperate for transition.

The Irish Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament – Chair Dr David Hutchinson-Edgar

Katie Martin then introduced Dr. David Hutchinson-Edgar, Chairperson of Irish CND. He emphasised the importance of Irish voices in making a difference, especially in the push for nuclear disarmament. That a key figure, Fianna Fáil politician, Frank Aiken, worked with the UN to limit the spread of nuclear weapons, demonstrates the value of activists entering government. Aiken was motivated by memories of failures and tragedies in the Irish Civil War in which he served, of World War II devastation, and a wish to act as a useful international voice, starting with the League of Nations. The Arms Race began in the 1950s, with nuclear weapons at the forefront. This material reality colliding with memory brought forth a moral stance and desire for a better world of mutual support, however unpopular to some folk.

Ireland was among the countries emerging from colonial control, seeking alternatives to militarism. They were subjected to ongoing pressure, particularly from America and England, to drop resolutions. Aiken & co. stood their ground, granting only trivial compromises, until resolutions were carried, resulting in the Treaty for the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) entering into force in 1970.

But by 1980, a glut of nuclear weapons still existed around the world. At the same time, global communication through radio, press text and photography, TV, and films, ensured populations were increasingly aware and concerned. The resistance of ordinary people, and their rational arguments proved persuasive. Greenham Common protests from the early 80s, mainly attracting women, resulted in 100 cruise missiles being moved from the base only 55 miles from London.

Another hugely disturbing and impactful incident was the 1986 Chernobyl explosion dispersing radioactive dust across Europe. In the 21st century. the penny dropped that the NPT was not delivering. Disarmament seemed as far away as ever. Global civil society called for commitments to be renewed, strengthened and realised, especially after the success of initiatives like the 1997 Land Mine Ban Treaty. Peaceboat NGO ran a consciousness-raising media programme. By 2016, as knowledge of lethal health and environmental impacts became clearer, often thanks to ‘hibakusha’ and their descendants like Kyoko Gibson, Ireland and numerous countries, many South American, called for fresh negotiations.

A new Non-Proliferation Treaty outlawing nuclear weapons was passed in 2017 and ratified in 2020. Now signed by more than 90 states, the treaty explicitly provides for disarmament and remediation. The Irish government continues to take a lead championing the Treaty, fending off implausible counter-arguments from nuclear states. Now, at least half of the countries in the world refuse to own nuclear weapons and disapprove of their possession anywhere. In March this year, the 3rd Meeting of the State Parties held in Spain declared that the abolition of nuclear weapons was imperative for global security and for the survival of humanity. Hopefully, momentum will be sustained.

Discussion and Q&As

The floor was opened. Kyoko reiterated the importance of people going beyond thinking, to acting; by voicing the world’s desire for change, especially regarding the nine errant nuclear states. The US and Russia between them keep almost 90 per cent of the world’s nuclear arsenal.

Iain Atack relayed three steps for effective non-violent peace action: 1. Analysis; 2. Clarification and promotion of ethics and norms; 3. Action. Preserving Irish neutrality as an ideal platform for speaking out, is vital. Not just government but all citizens, alone or as members of groups, can make a difference by getting involved. Joe Murray commented on militarism being a live topic also in the 2025 Irish presidential race.

Eamon Rafter noted that only one country, South Africa, had reversed its nuclear stance; a decision deserving more recognition. The role of Irish politician David Andrews in NPT negotiations, and the crucial achievement by the Irish government of divesting investments in nuclear companies for a reduction of at least 25 per cent, have neither been duly applauded. Reference was made to the public report, since updated, of the 1985 London Nuclear Warfare Tribunal, whose declaration states, among other conclusions: “The evidence presented overwhelmingly convinced the Tribunal that current weapons developments and strategies for their use (such notions as “limited nuclear war”, “first-strike options”, and “winnable nuclear wars”) are creating acute public anxiety and produce a set of tendencies in international affairs that make the outbreak of nuclear war virtually inevitable at some point in the years ahead.” The Tribunal, non-bindingly, outlawed nuclear weapons.

Kyoko urged everyone to keep insisting that nuclear weapons must never again be used, but must be destroyed. Despite political and practical challenges to abolition, the two Treaties, NPT and TPNW (Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons), must continue to be promoted and expanded. Stressing the importance of remembering and telling stories, David cited Annie Jacobson’s 2024 non-fiction book, Nuclear War: A Scenario, detailing how a nuclear conflict would escalate to global thermonuclear war within 72 minutes, leading to nuclear winter and 5 billion deaths. Only action would prevent this scenario becoming manifest —that was the take-away message.

That day’s later event, Testimony, Scholarship and the Case for Disarmament, with some of the same speakers, was at Trinity College.

For more information:

About Afri, go to https://www.afri.ie/about/

About Irish CND and joining, go to https://irishcnd.blogspot.com/p/contact.html

Billy King: Rites Again, 334

Billy King shares his monthly thoughts

Well, Michael D is finally about to up on his bikeldee and away and CC (cc Heather Humphreys), Catherine Connolly, will very soon be there in the Áras. She has been a staunch peace and neutrality supporter, sound on many social questions, as well as being a very unassuming and likeable person. The government indicated that her being elected would make no difference to plans to ditch the Triple Lock. But perhaps some Fianna Fáil TDs will look into their hearts, and that of voters in their constituencies, and find some backbone to resist Micheál Martin’s protracted and ill thought out onslaught on said Triple Lock, based on the support shown for Connolly.

The Irish presidency is primarily a representative rather than a purely political, and certainly not a party political, one. Michael D pushed the boat out in a different way to Mary Robinson who initiated the demand by Irish people for someone in the role who was not a time or place server. The office is in good hands with Catherine Connolly. It would have been interesting to have an Ulster (Monaghan) Presbyterian in Heather Humphreys in the role but on social issues and on peace she is a typical conservative Fine Gaeler so Connolly is streets or fields ahead on a wide number of issues. There were some deficiencies in the presidential election process, including the criteria to ‘enter the contest’, but Catherine Connolly won by a landslide.

Biodiversity and my-cology

The world is an amazing place. While we can get thoroughly depressed about many aspects of what is happening in the world due to the actions of Homo Sapiens (title open to dispute for a number of reasons), we can still share amazement for the wonder and adaptability of nature. We can destroy all the flora and fauna we want (or, rather, don’t want enough to alter our behaviour) but ‘nature’ will go on – and would go on even if we, Homo Sap, do not, and we are still being foolish beyond measure.

There were two stories in the Gordian recently that speak about the resilience of nature, one from Canada and one from Iceland. One is about the restoration of natural ecosystems on Toronto’s waterfront: “The century-old plants bursting from newly exposed soil initially made headlines, but it was only the first of a string of extraordinary discoveries. Pollen from the American chestnut, a tree now extinct in the area, was discovered in the dirt. So too was a seed from the 1500s. The remains of one of the largest and most important peat bogs in the region were rescued. Then, last year, the team submerged soil samples and made the astounding discovery of water fleas, trapped in the soil since at least the late 1800s, which had sprung back to life. So too had worms, larvae and zooplankton….” https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/oct/09/toronto-waterfront-soil-plants-worms

And a new, volcanic island off Iceland has amazed scientists with the speed at which life has established itself after it began to emerge in 1963. “Scientists had expected algae and mosses to be the first colonisers, building up a base of soil that would eventually support vascular plants. But that step was skipped completely. More plants were washed ashore in the following years, and some clung to the island’s bare volcanic rock……..In the early 1980s, black-backed gulls started to nest on sections of the island, sheltering in one of the stormiest parts of the Atlantic Ocean. Their arrival kicked off an explosion of life. Guano carried seeds that quickly spread grasses along the island, fed in turn by the nutrients from the birds. For the first time, whole areas of bare rock became green….” https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2025/oct/13/nature-volcanic-island-surtsey-iceland-ecosystems-aoe

Meanwhile, coming not only closer to home but to my actual home, we have a patch of grass at the front of our house which is less than a couple of metres wide with a hedge before the suburban footpath. And a hornbeam tree there in the footpath. The grass might have last been dug up many decades ago and what grows there, including clover, is let grow. But what I saw this autumn amazed me; not one, not two, not three, but four varieties of fungi growing, a couple overlapping but mainly in succession, presumably in symbiotic relationship with the tree outside. I did check out the possibilities for the names of said fungi but not being enough of a fun guy to be a mycologist a) I am highly unsure of identifying them correctly, and b) because of that and this not being a mycology journal I will spare you the names. I will say one was smaller but somewhat similar to a field/edible mushroom, one a thin, pale ‘toadstool’, and one was a mottled globe headed fungi.

The appearance of such fungi is just part of a cycle but I did institute a ‘no mow September’ and longer to let them do their thing, and presumably spare the spores, it wasn’t a spore-adic reaction [Spore us the puns – Ed], apologies if any of them are allergenic. I would do the same next year. It was a brilliant example of biodiversity not in my back yard but in our small front garden. There might not be much room in our front patch of grass but there is enough, indeed ‘mushroom’, for fungi.

Do you want to die for NATO?

The answer that I would give, by the way, is ‘no’ [Surprise, surprise – Ed] – and I don’t want anyone else to do so either. But in my look at oul books – last month I covered Mary Condren’s “The Serpent and the Goddess” – I dug out my rather worn and tired looking copy of Patrick Comerford’s book with that title, “Do you want to die for NATO?”. This dates from 1984 (published by Mercier Press). How topical can you get? And this was 41 years ago.

Of course much has changed in those four decades and the Irish state, underhandedly and against the wishes of the broad mass of citizens, has cosied up as much as it can to NATO. I should point out that it is INNATE practice to refer to said entity in capitals rather than the cosier looking ‘Nato’ (cf The Irish Times, the change even being made in a published letter by the INNATE coordinator) – there is nothing cosy about NATO, its practice or its commitment to first use of nuclear weapons should it deem it necessary.

The Do you want to die for NATO? Book is short but packed with detail. The context in 1984 was the risk of nuclear war between NATO and the USSR/Russia, either because of deliberate policy or because of accident (the real possibility of this happening has been well documented, where one side believes an attack is coming). Plus ca change….. As to who is winning an arms race, Patrick Comerford says “No one wins a mad race over a cliff edge” (page 12). Plus ca change…

While the Wolfe Tone quote from 1792 is included (page 50) that “We should spurn the idea of moving an humble satellite around any power”, the book does deal with the times and people with whom neutrality can be particularly identified, and those times and people who opposed it or were prepared to ditch it of the time and terms were right. But the independent Irish state got off to a good start with involvement in the League of Nations and opposition to the Italian invasion of Ethiopia and opposition to (Blueshirt) pressure to support Francoist fascism in Spain despite its supposed ‘Catholicism’.

The book details how NATO and Warsaw Pact maps or exercises assumed that in a nuclear war there would be Irish targets; 23 potential targets, North and South, are identified in total by the author in the book. It looks at Irish involvement in communications networks for NATO, including Mount Gabriel in the Republic and the (then) Bishopscourt radar base, operated by the RAF, in Co Down.

When the practice of neutrality was fearless and determined, e.g. with Frank Aiken, there were positive results, as with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty which came into effect in 1968. However people on all sides of the Irish political scene could be positive or ambivalent; Charles Haughey is quoted from 1981 saying Ireland was militarily neutral but not politically or ideologically neutral – that old let out, much used since by those wanting closer involvement with NATO and EU military developments. On he other hand Garret Fitzgerald, from a party traditionally less inclined to support active neutrality, said in 1993 that Ireland “can also challenge the emergence of a European military super-power” (page 65) – while contemporary governments have attempted to jump on the militarist EU gravy train through involvement in the arms industry and the military-industrial complex.

The EEC, as it then was, is identified, rightly, as a particular challenge to neutrality. But neutrality was never just a bargaining chip to gain a united Ireland; in 1940 Dev refused Churchill’s offer to abandon neutrality in return for a united Ireland. The book also looks at some of what a non-aligned defence could be including the mining of ports and airports so to be useless to an invader.

The history of Irish neutrality is not straightforward but there is much to be proud about. Some of the historical and contemporary complexities of the time (1984) are explored in this book. Patrick Comerford says (page 89) that neutrality could be thought of as a unique contribution or gift “to an EEC seeking political union”. It is a shame and a waste if contemporary Irish politicians and commentators feel that Ireland would be better as a small cog in a large military machine rather than striking out fearlessly for peace. I consider that a failure of imagination, nerve – and backbone – in standing up to the powers that be.

Telling it like it is

There is one inveterate veteran when it comes to letter writing on peace issues in Ireland and that is former Irish army officer and Veterans for Peace and Shannonwatch activist Edward Horgan. He has more letters published than most of us have hot dinners. And all of them make sound sense. Here is one which appeared in different Irish newspapers in mid-to-late October:

Instead of bringing peace to the Middle East the Trump dictated Gaza peace plan may end up establishing the virtual success of the Israeli genocide against the Palestinian people. Hopefully, the killing will stop in Gaza in the short-term. The 20-point peace plan makes no provision for justice for Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, or the establishment of peace in the wider Middle East, especially in Lebanon and Syria. Israel has ensured by its environmental and physical destruction, that the Gaza Strip will be unsafe for anyone to live for decades. On 7th Oct 2025 the health ministry released details on Palestinians killed and wounded in Gaza. The recorded death toll since 7 October 2023 is now 67,183 killed, with 169,841 injured. These statistics include: 20,179 children killed, 44,143 children wounded, 4,900 children with amputations or disabilities, 51,196 children under five years old suffering from malnutrition.

This amounts to genocide, yet the present peace plan fails to hold Israel and its US and European supporters to account. The peace plan says that Gaza will initially be governed by a new international transitional body, the “Board of Peace,” which will be headed by President Donald J. Trump, and others including Former Prime Minister Tony Blair. President Trump and his predecessors, and Tony Blair, have been responsible for waging wars of aggression since 2001 that have caused the deaths of millions of people. An International Stabilization Force (ISF) will be immediately deployed in Gaza. A similar stabilization force was deployed in Afghanistan which brought twenty years of chaos to the Afghan people. The quote by Roman historian Tacitus seems appropriate “To ravage, to slaughter, to usurp under false titles, they call empire; and where they make a desert, they call it peace.”

QCEA on EU

QCEA, the Quaker Council on European Affairs, always has interesting things to say about the way western Europe is heading, including the realities of the EU in what had been a ‘peace’ project becoming much more of a ‘war’ project. Their summary of Ursula von der Leyen’s State of the Union address on 10th September is “In her 10 September speech, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen spoke of peace mainly through security and defence, with 16 mentions of “fight.” We had hoped to hear more about peace as justice, dialogue, or cooperation, but competitiveness prevailed. Climate was framed as decarbonisation, overlooking nature and the environment. Migration was addressed in terms of management, without reference to the EU’s Anti-Racism Action Plan.” Von der Leyen’s speech is at https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/ov/SPEECH_25_2053 and the QCEA is at https://www.qcea.org/ where you can find out more about their work and read their publications.

Supporting genocide

I find unionist politics in Norn Iron sad in a different way to how I find some Sinn Féin policies sad – I understand why the latter support previous IRA actions but no, IRA violence was not necessary or unavoidable, it is that people on all sides saw no alternative – there were nonviolent alternatives that people did not see or know about. I recently wrote about unionist support for British militarism (they are joined by the current government in Dublin in their support of militarism). But on many questions, whether on education – dividing children into academic and less-academic schools at age 11 – or international issues, well words fail me. [That would be a first – Ed.] Support for Israel ‘to the hilt’ – appropriate as this is a sword metaphor – comes from ideological and theological but not-very-logical sources, as well of course for the all important reason of them’uns supporting Palestine.

Recently a unionist delegation went to Israel, paid for by the Israeli state (‘No expense to UK taxpayers, folks!’). The cross-party unionist group included Norn Iron Minister for Education Paul Givan and the amazing Sammy Wilson, both of the DUP. They visited an Israeli school in occupied East Jerusalem and Paul Givan had a photo put up on the NI Department of Education website. Naturally all hell broke loose with activists on Palestine and those who are not unionists and also teachers unions and bodies. The DUP are of course standing by their man or men. But I wanted to express how very thoughtful it was of the Israeli state in a war situation to offer an all expenses visit to look at educational approaches, obviously there were no ulterior motives whatsoever, and there is absolutely no question of the unionists themselves being political stooges……

– – – – – –

Well, it may not be meteorological winter until December but it feels We Have Arrived there. But every season has its pluses and minuses. Winter can be a time for relaxing at home, hopefully in the warmth, with a good book or film and maybe a pleasant chat with your partner or a friend or two. And winter weather is an excuse to stay put there rather than attend to other matters. The winter solstice is a wee bit away yet but, come the end of January, there is the chance to see days getting longer again and the process of regeneration begin. I hope you are sitting comfortably as you read this. I will see you again soon before what can be, for many people, the mad social whirl coming up to Christmas. Hibernia abu, Billy.

News, October 2025

Unpacking the Joint Framework on Legacy

A joint seminar by QUB Mitchell Institute & Human Rights Centre titled “Unpacking the Joint Framework on Legacy” takes place at the Great Hall, Queen’s University Belfast on Friday 10th October from 10 am. This will look at the new ‘joint framework’ on Troubles legacy issues. This seminar will feature an NGO panel, presenting an analysis paper on the Joint Framework from CAJ, with input from the Pat Finucane Centre, Amnesty International and Relatives for Justice. This will be followed by an academic panel providing further insight and analysis on the recently published Joint Framework. The event is open to all. See https://caj.org.uk/latest/unpacking-the-joint-framework-on-legacy-seminar/ with link to booking.

Spying on journalists in NI

Following the release of the McCullough Report, Amnesty International and the Committee on Administration of Justice have written to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to ask him to establish a public inquiry into covert surveillance in Northern Ireland by MI5 (not covered by McCullough), and the establishment of the Covert Commissioner for Law Enforcement for Northern Ireland. This report identified multiple cases of covert surveillance by the PSNI against journalists and lawyers, including, in Angus McCullough’s view, unlawful actions by the police in breach of the Human Rights Act. Patrick Corrigan of Amnesty International had previously stated “The PSNI not only authorised covert surveillance designed to identify journalists’ confidential sources, in flagrant violation of press freedom, but then withheld details of those operations from the very watchdog charged with holding them to account…….This has implications not just in Northern Ireland but throughout the UK. There must now be an overhaul of the mechanisms designed to provide oversight of police surveillance activities across the UK.” https://caj.org.uk/latest/mccullough-review-public-inquiry/ https://www.amnesty.org.uk/issues/Northern-Ireland

Resources on monitoring/civilian protection

There is renewed interest in monitoring in the context of racial threats and violence, and other issues, in both jurisdictions in Ireland [see e.g. news of Irish Network of Legal Obervers in Nonviolent News 332]. INNATE has updated the list of resources on monitoring/accompaniment/unarmed civiian protection it has available in the introduction to its photo album at https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/albums/72157629555375796/ INNATE is still involved in work and training in this area and is happy to work with anyone on the issue and possibilities.

ICCL: Age of responsibility, toxic algorithms, faulty facials

ICCL/Irish Council for Civil Liberties has called for the age of criminal responsibility to be increased – it is currently 12 years in Ireland which is lower than what is probably the European average of 14. Regarding toxic algorithms which they say decide what we see, pushing conspiracy, extremism and hate into our feeds, dividing us and undermining trust in our democracy, they have a petition to European Commissioner for Justice & Democracy Michael McGrath, organised by Uplift, the Hope and Courage Collective and ICCL itself. This is to ensure that social media recommender algorithms are turned off by default, as part of the Democracy Shield — the European Union’s plan to protect democracy from digital threats. See https://www.uplift.ie/michael-mcgrath-recommender-system/

l In relation to facial recognition technology (FRT), ICCL points out that more than 3.4 million people in Ireland have had their faces unlawfully scanned and turned into biometric profiles, as part of the registration process for the Public Services Card (PSC) but this costly system has yielded only 48 convictions for welfare fraud in the past 15 years.    One-third of all new PSC registrations, and 95% of all renewals, are flagged by the faulty facial recognition system and need to be verified by a human.  They state “FRT is dangerous when it works as intended, and equally as dangerous when it doesn’t” – “Imagine if this faulty technology was being used by An Garda Síochána on our streets. Imagine the consequences: false matches and innocent people being stopped and questioned, or worse.” A petition on opposing the use of FRT by the Gardaí is available to sign via ICCL’s website at https://www.iccl.ie/

Racial violence and social media

Inciting a Pogrom? Social media and the racist disorder in Ballymena and beyond during summer 2025’ is a new report which analyses the extent to which racist incidents and protests in Ballymena during the summer of 2025 have been fuelled by orchestration, disinformation and misinformation online by far-right actors and tropes. This is the second report in an ongoing project and builds on the findings of the ‘Mapping Far-Right Activity Online in Northern Ireland Project Report’. It is being launched in Belfast on Monday 6th October (the event is open but full with a waiting list) from 11am and organised by Rabble Coop, Equality Coalition, UNISON, and CAJ www.caj.org.uk

Statement on NI and UK commitment to ECHR

A short and very clear statement on the proposal for the UK to withdraw from the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) is available on the CAJ website https://caj.org.uk/ The statement is from the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ), Participation and Practice of Rights (PPR), and Human Rights Consortium. The first paragraph reads: “The ECHR is deeply embedded within the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. An entire section of the multi-party element of the Agreement is devoted to rights protections as the foundation of a post-conflict society in Northern Ireland. The headline commitment of the United Kingdom within this section is as follows: “The British Government will complete incorporation into Northern Ireland law of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), with direct access to the courts, and remedies for breach of the Convention, including power for the courts to overrule Assembly legislation on grounds of inconsistency.” This was a direct commitment, embodied in an international agreement. It cannot be ignored, parsed or diluted to suit the policy convenience of a UK Government acting unilaterally.”

l CAJ is recruiting a solicitor to work on legacy issues, closing date 6th October, https://caj.org.uk/

MII annual conference: Beyond the agreement to mediate

It may be too late to book but the The Mediators’ Institute of Ireland/MII annual conference takes place in Santry on Friday 3rd and Saturday 4th October with the title “Beyond the agreement to mediate”. Keynote speakers are Hon Ms Justice Marguerite Bolger and Dr. Brian Pennie, and the conference will be opened by the Minister for Justice, Jim O’Callaghan TD. As usual there is a full and varied conference programme. https://www.themii.ie/

Good Relations Week

Good Relations Week in Northern Ireland programme is online at https://goodrelationsweek.com/events/ and includes workshops, lectures, panel discussions, podcasts, storytelling, digital content, exhibitions, etc. It runs from 13th – 19th October. These events showcase how communities are working together to break down barriers, celebrate diversity, and create opportunities for a more inclusive society. Closing date for registering events is 6th October.

Lex Innocentium 21stC mark first anniversary

Lex Innocentium 21C marked the first anniversary of their launch, and much work done in that year, with a ceremony and time capsule embedding at Redwood Castle, Lorrha – it was here that in the winter of 1628/9 Micheál Ó Cléirigh, leader of the Four Masters, discussed his copy of the Law of Adomnán with Flann Mac Aodhagáin of the lawyer family at this castle. https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/54817550701/in/dateposted/ and LI 21C is at https://lexinnocentium21.ie/

European Peace Project’s Manifesto for Palestine

There will be various events in Ireland reading this aloud at 5pm Irish time on Friday 3rd October. See interactive map at https://europeanpeaceproject.eu/en/ Lex Innocentium 21C will hold a reading of the manifesto at the famine graveyard in Naas on Friday, 3rd October, at 5pm with KPSC; they will also make a filmed event on Sunday, 5th October at 12 noon at the Famine Memorial on Custom House Quay in Dublin, supported by a variety of organisations.  https://lexinnocentium21.ie/

Video of Desmond Greaves summer school session on neutrality

Focusing on political parties supporting Irish neutrality and the Triple Lock, a video of talks at this 6th September session “The future of Irish neutrality” is available at  https://youtu.be/ic8M7laOAuo chaired by Stephen Kelly of PANA. www.pana.ie

Harland & Wolff not ready to build UK warship

Most of the construction of the first of three Royal Navy supply vessels will now take place in Spain as Harland and Wolff in Belfast are not yet ready to build the midsection. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9v7rgxv3mdo#product-navigation-menu

WRI: New Worlds in Old Shells

War Resisters’ International (WRI) is launching a handbook, New Worlds in Old Shells, which explores how and why our movements can build vibrant, radical, liberating projects that meet the needs of their communities. The book will be published on 8th October and the launch webinar will be on 22nd October at 1pm Irish time. Info and registration at https://wri-irg.org/en/story/2025/new-worlds-old-shells-launch-webinar

World Beyond War: #NoWar2025: Exploring Abolition Movements

The #NoWar2025 conference of World Beyond War (WBW) takes place from Friday 24th – Sunday 26th October online with the theme of Exploring Abolition Movements (i.e. abolishing war and its trappings), details at https://worldbeyondwar.org/nowar2025/

Stop BY Nukes — Stop Belarus’s Nuclear Weapons

Belarusian group Our House is launching a campaign to draw attention to, and oppose, Russian nuclear weapons in Belarus. As they say “The deployment of Russian tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus has become a dangerous regional trigger — normalising nuclear threats and encouraging imitation. If the Belarus dimension is absent, European anti-nuclear advocacy risks sounding like a declaration of intent rather than a strategy.” Belarus was previously nuclear-free. https://news.house/

CGE annual report

The annual report from the Centre for Global Education in Belfast is available at https://www.centreforglobaleducation.com/ (under Publications) with much other material.

Síolta Chroí: Biodiveristy, Palestine solidarity meal

Síolta Chroí are hosting six  family days dedicated to gardening for biodiversity with the next ones on 11th and 25th October. On 3rd October there is Recipes for Solidarity, a community meal with conversations of Palestine and food sovereignty and donations will go to the Union of Agricultural Work Committees in Palestine, who have been working with farming communities since the 80’s to support agro-ecological food production. More events and details at https://sioltachroi.ie/

Editorials: Legacy, Finding our niche, Monitoring

Legacy: At least a little, nearly too late

Being left a legacy’ can be a pleasant part of the more unpleasant aftermath of a loved one’s death. But in Northern Ireland ‘legacy issues’ are the painful aftermath of thirty years or more of violent conflict. As an INNATE poster states, “The past is not water under the bridge – It is water filling a reservoir”. https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/posters/ There is nowhere that dealing with the aftermath of violent conflict is easy or pleasant and the path to dealing with it has been tortuously slow in Northern Ireland.

The Stormont House Agreement of 2014 remarkably achieved considerable support across the board on dealing the issue, although not unanimously (e.g. opposition from the Ulster Unionist Party). In a situation where ‘our’ victims are more important and more tragic than yours, getting relative agreement and buy in to a collective process is extremely difficult but vital in going forward. The structures of the 2014 agreement on dealing with the past looked a bit complicated but were a relatively comprehensive take on what was needed.

And then the British Tory government reneged on the agreement and failed to implement it or its spirit. Worse was to come when in 2023 the Conservatives introduced their very own Legacy Act, purportedly to be ‘realistic’ but actually to protect British soldiers and the British state from unwelcome publicity about their role in the Troubles, with an end to prosecutions. It had, in contrast to the 2014 agreement, support from no one in Northern Ireland apart from British Army veterans; this was an amazing piece of arrogance and self-interest by the British government in relation to Northern Ireland.

The recent agreement on legacy between the British and Irish governments takes us back close to the 2014 agreement but with different infrastructure. A Legacy Commission with independent oversight is being set up out of the 2023 Legacy Act’s ICRIR/Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery. A 2024 document from CAJ https://caj.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/CAJ-Reform-of-ICRIR-Report-November-24.pdf can be used for reference in examining the new structure. An Independent Commission on Information Retrieval will be set up on a cross-border basis. Inquests which had been halted by the 2023 Legacy Act will resume and there are other details to the agreement.

In the mean time there have been eleven largely wasted years when the families of those killed have grown older or died, and 2014 was itself sixteen years after the Good Friday Agreement. In the period since 2014, inquests were one feature which had worked in retrieving truth – and those had also been removed by the Tories’ 2023 Legacy Act.

The proof of the pudding will be in the eating. Gráinne Teggart of Amnesty International in the North said ““We will carefully examine this framework to assess whether it fully complies with the European Convention on Human Rights and whether it can genuinely deliver for victims. For too long, families have been met with secrecy, impunity and the denial of their right to truth, this must end.” Let us hope that there is indeed light at the end of this long and dark tunnel. Northern Ireland has enough problems to deal without being anchored to the past by unresolved violent tragedies and unendurable pain for those who have suffered and their loved ones.

Finding our niche

The world is in such a sorry mess that it is hard to know where and what we should be doing. ‘Making the world a better place’ and not a total disaster for our descendents (literal or metaphorical) seems such a tall order that finding our own place can be difficult and what we end up doing can be accidental – perhaps somebody needed something doing some time and we enjoyed doing it and thought it worthwhile and continued (and that is not necessarily a bad way to get in to doing things).

Presumably many of those reading this will already have not only found their niche but already feel over-involved. Setting parameters to our involvement is often exceedingly difficult but is necessary for our own preservation, to avoid burnout and give us some quality of life. We should not be aiming for martyrdom.

However even if we do have our involvements, reviewing our engagement can be very worthwhile. What do we consider the most important issues around at any level (international, national, local)? Where can we possibly make a difference or at least a stand that is important? And can we balance one kind of involvement with another, e.g. working for world peace (macro level) while being involved with anti-racism or migrant support (micro level)?

There are many different kinds of personality, and we undoubtedly have widely varying interests. How can we match our individuality with what needs done? Of course doing new things and pushing out our own boundaries is good, and it is never too late to learn new skills or approaches. And it is also a question of what is already being done and what is left undone. If something is already ‘being done’ can we make a difference and push things further or are we better to set out on something new which no one is doing? Our personality and skills level count in this regard; are we happy striking out into the unknown or are we much better as part of a team?

It can be difficult to review our own involvement for a variety of reasons including the simple one that others may not give us feedback. Sometimes we have to step back and read between the lines – and possibly even the lies. But we should also know how to take, and acknowledge to ourselves, compliments which are made about our work. And we can ask for feedback which may be important in helping us whether to continue on a particular path or not.

One choice we have to make – though it may also be made for us – is whether we work full time and paid in the field we wish to be primarily engaged politically or socially. Most of us cannot. Peace (work), for example, does not, except in very particular circumstances, pay. So we then have to work out our work/voluntary work/family balance and that can be a very difficult one to juggle if we have a partner who is less engaged and children or elderly parents who need attention and support.

We also need to consider our ‘job satisfaction’ in our involvements. Every job or involvement is likely to come with certain things needing doing which are boring or not what we particularly want to be doing. That is life. But we do need to assess both our overall satisfaction and our perceived effectiveness. It is important to state here that ‘effectiveness’ can be measured in many different ways and success (cf Bill Moyer, Movement Action Plan, for which you can word search) is not a straightforward path. ‘Success’ might be in raising an issue rather than getting it resolved to your satisfaction – we are not miracle workers.

Time out’ is valuable in allowing us to reflect and replenish. Speaking to friends, loved ones and colleagues may help us with our thinking. Building the future is a difficult task but it is one which can be done with enthusiasm, imagination and good humour – if we are in ‘the right place’ both physically and metaphorically. We all have our place to play and it is a team effort, even if we work apart.

May you and your involvements flourish.

Monitoring the situation

Nonviolent approaches are very diverse and include both activist intervention and third party conciliation, mediation or other forms of activity. One of these third party interventions is monitoring or observing situations of conflict or potential conflict but there are many different approaches within this – the range is explored in a checklist at www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/25987023457/in/album-72157629555375796 (part of an album on monitoring, accompaniment and unarmed civilian protection) The terms monitoring’ and ‘observing’ can be used by different people to denote slightly different approaches but generally the terms are interchangeable.

Every technique or approach in life has its strengths and weaknesses. Monitoring can actually be an important tool in some circumstances both in helping avoid trouble developing and in being able to tell a relatively unbiased account of what happened if trouble did indeed develop, and possibly feed back to the parties involved what they could have done better. It has been used in Northern Ireland extensively in relation to parades as well as some other situations. The recent development of a Network of Legal Observers in the Republic [See Nonviolent News 332] is very welcome and legal observing watches the servants of the state, in this case the police/Gardaí to see whether they are acting as they should.

Monitoring is not a panacea. If bombs and bullets are flying, as they were often doing in the Troubles in the North, or there is all out rioting, monitors could potentially see some of what is happening and record it, hopefully from a safe distance, but their presence is unlikely to make a jot of difference to how people behave. Accompaniment of people at risk is another part of this general approach in what can be collectively called ‘Unarmed Civilian Protection”. This whole area however has much potential in situations of racial tension and possible attacks.

The neutrality or impartiality of monitors is an issue. For example, monitors could be deployed in situations of racial tension, attack or potential attack where the intention is to help protect those seen as racially different or at risk. However in this situation the monitors would presumably record what they saw, without fear or favour, about race rioters or demonstrators, police, any counter-protesters etc. Thus ‘on the ground’ they would be impartial but the reason for them being there would be from a desire to help avoid racial trouble or attacks. On parading issues in the North some monitoring organisations were essentially solidarity organisations with one side or another and in these cases they were not ‘impartial’ on the ground. But in any case there is no such thing as ‘value free’ monitoring – or indeed any other form of third party intervention.

The extent to which monitors can intervene, and in what way, also varies considerably They are not mediators but, depending on the model involved, they might take on a limited intervention mode, e.g. suggesting a course of action to police or other parties to de-escalate a situation or avoid problems arising. Mediation Northern Ireland in its involvement had a model of passing information up the line and possible intervention by senior people. Monitor training emphasises that monitors remain human beings and if they feel that, as a human being, they need to do something which perhaps steps outside of their monitoring role then they should do it (e.g. offering protection to someone scared or at risk, if this isn’t already ‘within role’) – and any repercussions can be picked up on later.

The diversity of monitoring as an approach is reflected in INNATE’s photo album on the topic at https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/albums/72157629555375796/ which includes a listing of written resources in the introduction at the start (click on ‘Read more’ and scroll down). INNATE continues to be involved in promoting and training in monitoring and is happy to try to answer any queries people have, or point them in the right direction. It is a field of endeavour which, fortunately or unfortunately given its role in relation to low level conflict, will continue to deserve attention and action.

Eco-Awareness with Larry Speight: The new colonial power

Larry Speight brings us his monthly column –

The new colonial power

Reading the recently republished book Decolonising the Mind (1986) by the award-winning Kenyan author Ngugi Wa Thiong’o prompted me to think about the ways, if any, the predominant western mindset has been colonised by the powers that hold sway over our life.

Thiong’o’s thesis is that the minds of African people, who are not the descendants of European settlers, have been colonised by the language of the countries that ruled over their continent of 54 countries through military might. Language is more than a medium of communication but a means of transmitting culture. (The only country that was not colonised by a European power is Liberia which was formed by emancipated slaves in 1847.)

Colonialism, which did not end in the 1960s as widely believed, not only seeks to retain control of the lands of the subjected people in order to exploit what they would call natural resources, the labour and ingenuity of the oppressed people but seeks to erase their culture. This includes farming methods, systems of wealth distribution, sense of community and their understanding of humankind’s place in nature which of course we are an integral part.

From the 1500s onwards the British, Dutch, French, German and Portuguese sought to eradicate indigenous cultures leaving no trace that they ever existed. In many regions such as Australia, the Americas, islands in the Pacific and Caribbean they succeeded in their efforts. Where physical extermination was not possible, or desirable from the perspective of the colonisers wanting cheap labour and consumers, they sought cultural annihilation through using language and religion to create a mindset that aligned with that of the colonist whilst ensuring that the subjected peoples were imbued with a sense of abiding inferiority vis-a-via their overlords.

As Thiong’o writes the: “most important area of domination was the mental universe of the colonised, the control, through culture, of how people perceived themselves and their relationship with the world. Economic and political control can never be complete or effective without mental control.”

Formal education and religion have for centuries been used to imprint a cosmology on minds. These two powerful agents of socialisation were joined in the course of the twentieth century by radio, cinema and television with large companies influencing spending habits through psychologically scripted advertisements, sponsored TV shows while the dissemination of the cultural values of the dominant paradigm were imbedded across the mass media output.

At the time of broadcast the imbedded values and depictions of how the world is thought to be might for some have been hard to detect as they were considered to be accurate and authentic and as ordinary as the wallpaper in our living room that we don’t see. However, looking at archival material many of the cultural views are blatantly obvious. John Wayne films are a case in point. In these films, which span three decades, women are depicted as less capable than men, the indigenous peoples of the U.S. as unruly, violent and malicious and black people are largely absent and when they have a presence play subservient roles.

The question we need to ask is who is colonising our minds today and with what cosmology. The three main disseminators of cultural values and norms in the twentieth century have been joined by a fourth, the internet which is dominated by what is called artificial intelligence (AI).

The internet is in the command of powerful companies such as Apple, Amazon, Meta, Microsoft, OpenAI and Alphabet the parent company of Google. A few decades ago, these companies did not exist but today they own approximately twenty percent of the global economy and their CEOs are billionaires. They are not benevolent or ideologically neutral but have an intrinsic interest in maintaining the international economic order in its present form, increasing the financial profits they derive from it and the political and cultural influence their wealth brings. In terms of their reach, power and financial resources they can rightly be considered as imperial powers.

Whereas the nationalist-based empires of the past 500-years sought compliance from the people they subjugated by the imposition of their culture through language and the disempowering message of religion as embodied in the idea of a saviour and moral unworthiness, the digital colonial powers seek a different outcome.

This is one in which people hold that convenience is the gold-standard of the good life and the way this is obtained is through ownership and mastery of digital devices. Part of the lure is the sense of control digital technology gives people over their life. The newer the device, such as a smartphone, the more convenience they feel they have enabling them to do things that once were the reserve of mythological gods such as talking face to face with people on the other side of the world.

Although the outcomes the imperial powers seek appear to have changed from one of inducing a sense of powerlessness and inferiority in the people they reigned over to people having a sense of control over their life the essentials in regard to how we view and interact with nonhuman nature have not changed.

The modus operandi of the transnational companies and the majority of governments most of the time is to treat nonhuman nature as a warehouse of resources for humans to use without regard to consequences. In response to science highlighting the ecological folly of this and in countering people’s negative life-changing experiences of climate breakdown, loss of biodiversity and multiple types of pollution, the imperialist powers have it seems succeeded in persuading the majority of people that a thing dubbed green technology will enable us to continue to gobble-up the Earth with a clear conscience on the basis of the belief that there is no alternative to consumer capitalism.

In the digital age the colonised mind is one in which peoples’ ability to formulate a view of humankind’s place in the world on the basis of verifiable evidence underpinned by active compassion for all, including nonhuman life-forms, has been anaesthetised.

l An A4 mini-poster for home printing on colonisation of the mind, based on the above piece, is available at https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/Colonisation-mind-1.pdf and in the general posters section of the INNATE website https://innatenonviolence.org/wp/posters/

The Peace Line – Digital nonviolence

 

with Kate Laverty

Digital nonviolence: Responding to online hate without fuelling the fire

The interfaces are no longer just brick walls or painted peace lines—they are timelines, comment sections, and WhatsApp groups. In Belfast, as in so many places, the conflicts of the street are mirrored and magnified online. The click of the “share” button can escalate just as quickly as a clenched fist. A post can travel faster than a stone, and the damage can cut deeper.

We saw it this summer when young people in Ballymena were pushed to the front of riotous crowds. We have seen this recently in the wake of attacks in Connswater, Belfast, on the cars of delivery drivers. In both cases, the digital violence preceded and legitimised the physical. Hateful online comments did not just echo prejudice but gave it permission to grow.

Digital platforms are not neutral. The architecture of social media and digital surveillance can amplify division and restrict nonviolent action, creating environments where authoritarian or extremist messages gain traction. Constant use of electronic devices may impair the ability to take responsibility for conduct, manage one’s emotions, and develop strong bonds of empathy for others. Nonviolence in this space does not mean silence. Silence, in fact, can become complicity. It means choosing carefully how to respond so that we do not pour fuel on the fire. Digital nonviolence asks: What am I amplifying? Who benefits from my outrage? Whose humanity am I seeing—or refusing to see—when I respond?

Martin Luther King Jr. emphasised that nonviolence is not passive; it is active resistance to evil. It takes strength to respond with calm and understanding rather than a snarky comment or insult online. In my work, I underline the importance of seeking to win friendship and understanding, aiming for redemption and reconciliation rather than defeating individuals. In the digital realm, this means focusing on the issues and injustices at hand, not attacking the person delivering the message.

But the temptation to “clap back” is strong, especially for young people immersed in a culture of instant reaction. Yet the most powerful responses are often the ones that shift the rhythm instead of matching the beat. Sometimes that means calling out hate with humour, or choosing to spotlight kindness instead of cruelty. Sometimes it means refusing to repeat the words of hate, and instead telling the story of the people targeted.

Digital nonviolence is not only about restraining harmful responses—it can also be a powerful tool to amplify positive change. Online platforms allow individuals and communities to gain traction for causes rooted in justice, compassion, and empathy. Campaigns that spotlight human stories, mobilise volunteers, or share evidence-based solutions can create momentum without inciting anger or division.

Across the world, movements have shown how digital platforms can become instruments of nonviolent resistance. During the Arab Spring, activists in Tunisia and Egypt used Facebook and Twitter to organise peaceful demonstrations and document abuses in real time, proving that information itself can be a form of power. In the United States, the #BlackLivesMatter movement leveraged viral videos and hashtags to draw global attention to systemic injustice, turning outrage into education, advocacy, and solidarity without violence. Extinction Rebellion and digital feminist campaigns have demonstrated that online tools can coordinate lawful civil action, amplify marginalised voices, and foster international networks of support. Even under oppressive conditions, such as the pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong, encrypted messaging and online forums enabled citizens to mobilise safely and strategically.

Taken together, these examples illustrate that digital nonviolence is not passive—it is deliberate, creative, and deeply strategic, allowing communities to resist, organise, and build power without ever raising a fist. By carefully curating messages, using hashtags strategically, and engaging respectfully with audiences, nonviolent actors can turn the speed and reach of digital spaces into instruments of constructive influence. In this way, the internet becomes a stage for creative resistance, where attention is harnessed to lift voices rather than crush them.

In Belfast, community groups have already begun modelling this approach: highlighting solidarity vigils instead of hateful graffiti, amplifying the voices of young peacemakers instead of those stirring division, and teaching youth that “likes” are not worth the loss of dignity. Detached youth workers, when funded and supported, play a critical role here: standing in the gaps, reminding young people that what they post is part of who they are becoming and what they are creating for their community.

Digital nonviolence is not passive—it is creative resistance. As a nonviolent practitioner, my role is to bring awareness to this reality, to help young people recognise the structures that shape their digital behaviour, and to guide them toward choices that sustain empathy, justice, and human dignity.

Forthspring website is at https://www.forthspring.org/

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Readings in Nonviolence: How nonviolent action might save Gaza

Introduction

The onslaught on Gaza by the Israeli state and military has created a real hell on earth with starvation used as a weapon of war and destruction, death and displacement being the common experience, and no safe place to go to. In such a situation with ‘our’ states only slowly realising they should do ‘something’ – but continually dithering on what they might do – and the United States backing Israel and Israeli annihilation to the hilt of their terrible sword, we can feel powerless despite perpetual demonstrations and solidarity actions. In this article by Charles Webel there is consideration of what could be done nonviolently on an international basis. The article is taken from the 29th September 2025 edition of Transcend Media Service https://www.transcend.org/tms/2025/09/how-nonviolent-action-might-save-gaza/

How nonviolent action might save Gaza

By Charles Webel, Ph.D.

In Gaza we are witnessing an absolute hell’, UN Secretary-General António Guterres declared in August 2025. With over 60 000 people killed – the vast majority civilians, including thousands of children – Gaza has become the most severe test of international humanitarian law since the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Yet, as diplomatic paralysis grips the Security Council, the world’s most important protection doctrine remains unused.

The UN’s Responsibility to Protect (R2P) could offer a pathway forward, but only if applied through comprehensive nonviolent action rather than failed military paradigms.

A nonviolent framework for protection

R2P emerged from the international community’s failure to prevent genocide in Rwanda and in Bosnia between 1992 and 1995. This doctrine rests on three pillars: states must protect their populations; the international community must assist them; and when states manifestly fail, collective action becomes necessary. Crucially, R2P doesn’t authorise military intervention at will — it demands proportionate, multilateral responses that prioritise prevention and respect international law.

Gaza presents a textbook R2P case. The International Court of Justice found a plausible case that Israel may be committing genocidal acts. Hamas’s October 7 attack in Israel clearly violated international humanitarian law. But with entire neighbourhoods in ruins, infrastructure decimated, and over a million people facing displacement and famine, Gazan civilians are systematically deprived of life’s necessities. When one party to a conflict possesses overwhelming military superiority and civilians suffer mass atrocities, R2P becomes urgent — regardless of nationality or political affiliation.

Traditional military interventions have failed repeatedly in this region. Libya’s 2011 experience showed how R2P’s military application can worsen conflicts rather than resolve them. Gaza thus demands a different approach: sustained nonviolent intervention that protects civilians immediately while addressing the root causes of the Israeli/Palestinian conflict.

The international community must treat humanitarian access as non-negotiable, employing coordinated diplomatic pressure to ensure that sufficient aid reaches civilians. This means establishing internationally-monitored humanitarian corridors to and within Gaza and demanding unrestricted medical supply access. The UN Security Council should authorise civilian protection missions composed of unarmed international observers whose presence may deter violence and who document abuses. While air drops of supplies serve as interim measures, ground access remains essential for sustained civilian protection.

Sustainable civilian protection comes from empowered communities, not external force.

Military intervention by outside powers in Gaza remains politically untenable and ethically fraught. However, deploying unarmed international observers – human rights monitors, legal experts and civilian protection teams – has proven effective from South Sudan to the West Bank. An International Civilian Protection Corps, trained in nonviolent intervention and conflict de-escalation, should be established immediately. Their presence along humanitarian corridors could reduce attacks on aid convoys while providing transparent documentation of human rights violations by all parties.

Moreover, mass atrocity crimes demand serious consequences. The International Criminal Court must investigate all violations of international humanitarian law, regardless of perpetrators. Targeted sanctions on leaders and entities responsible for war crimes should follow from the UN Security Council, General Assembly or individual states. However, punitive approaches must be complemented by truth and reconciliation processes that address collective trauma. Impunity breeds repetition: accountability deters, but reconciliation heals.

Countries with close ties to Israel bear special responsibility. The United States provides approximately $3.8 billion annually in military aid to Israel. Making this assistance conditional on humanitarian access and civilian protection compliance could put immediate pressure on Israel. Clear red lines – targeting civilians, denying humanitarian access, expanding illegal settlements – should trigger major diplomatic and economic consequences for Israel. States influencing Hamas or other militant groups in Gaza must face similar pressure to uphold international human rights norms.

Lastly, civilian protection also requires addressing root causes. Gaza’s economic strangulation fuels desperation and conflict. Targeted development aid, support for Palestinian economic and political sovereignty and pressure to lift Israeli restrictions on aid that serves no legitimate security purpose are essential. Simultaneously, Palestinian and Israeli civil society organisations working for peace need adequate funding, international accompaniment and amplified voices. Sustainable civilian protection comes from empowered communities, not external force.

The uniting for peace alternative

When the UN Security Council remains deadlocked by veto-wielding powers prioritising strategic interests over humanitarian principles, the General Assembly can act. UN Resolution 377 (V) ‘Uniting for Peace’, adopted in 1950, allows the Assembly to consider matters immediately when the Security Council fails due to permanent members’ vetoes. The resolution enables recommendations for collective measures, including armed force, when necessary, to maintain international peace and security.

Historical applications reveal both potential and limitations. The Suez Crisis in 1956 marked the mechanism’s greatest success — Britain and France complied with General Assembly withdrawal demands following international isolation, leading to the first UN peacekeeping force. Conversely, the Soviet Union completely ignored Assembly calls for Afghanistan withdrawal in 1980, demonstrating this Resolution’s potential impotence against determined major powers.

Most relevant to Gaza is the ongoing Tenth Emergency Special Session on Palestine, convened in 1997 and now the longest-running emergency session in UN history. Despite numerous UN resolutions condemning Israeli settlement activities by overwhelming margins (131-3-14 in 1997), Israel has refused compliance and expressed contempt for Assembly decisions. While achieving symbolic victories like Palestine’s upgraded UN observer status in 2024, fundamental objectives remain unfulfilled after nearly three decades.

Yet, even ‘failed’ applications of Assembly resolutions create legal foundations for future accountability measures and diplomatic isolation. The overwhelming support for Ukraine UN Assembly resolutions (141 countries) demonstrates the potential for broad international consensus when states and NGOs are properly mobilised.

Overcoming Israeli opposition

Israel’s strategic relationship with major powers creates for many of its actions significant protective barriers against meaningful international pressure. However, systematic nonviolent strategies might help overcome this resistance.

Economic leverage provides immediate tools. Beyond conditional or suspended US military aid to Israel, targeted sanctions on Israeli officials blocking humanitarian aid or targeting civilians, modelled on Magnitsky-style legislation, could create personal consequences for perpetrators of human rights violations.

Corporate accountability through divestment campaigns and supply chain disruptions might initiate transparency requirements that pressure companies profiting from the Israeli occupation of Palestine.

Gaza’s people deserve more than temporary ceasefires between devastating violence and famine.

As recently announced by EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, the EU has suspended bilateral support to Israel and proposed sanctions on ‘extremist ministers’ and violent settlers, thereby demonstrating how multinational entities can apply coordinated economic pressure even when individual member states remain divided. As Israel’s primary trading partner, representing 32 per cent of its overall trade, EU actions carry significant economic weight.

Legal strategies multiply these pressure points. The General Assembly can request International Court of Justice advisory opinions on the legal consequences of Israeli policies. Universal jurisdiction prosecutions in domestic courts for war crimes could create global accountability risks for perpetrators of war crimes and other violations of human rights. Enhanced International Criminal Court cooperation with major powers could facilitate the investigation of all such violations.

Multilateral diplomatic isolation by regional bodies – the African Union, the Arab League and others – of suspected Israeli human rights violators may put pressure on Israeli decision makers to change course. Israel could also be suspended from specific UN bodies or international organisations until its compliance with UN resolutions and international law, as was done with apartheid South Africa. Third-party mediation through neutral countries like Norway or Ireland offers alternatives to failed US-dominated initiatives.

The time for action is now

Gaza’s people deserve more than temporary ceasefires between devastating violence and famine. They deserve an international community committed to their protection through patient, principled nonviolent action.

The tools exist. The legal framework is clear. R2P provides normative authority, Uniting for Peace offers procedural pathways, and successful nonviolent campaigns – from the Palestinian First Intifada in 1987 to anti-apartheid movements – demonstrate the potential efficacy of multilateral action. What’s missing is the political will by global superpowers to move beyond failed military paradigms toward sustained nonviolent initiatives.

Success demands unprecedented coordination among international organisations, civil society and individual activists — moving beyond state-centric protection toward comprehensive strategies addressing Palestinians’ immediate humanitarian needs while building lasting mechanisms for resolving the Israeli/Palestinian conflict.

Gaza can become either another failure of international protection or a testimony to nonviolent intervention’s transformative power.

Billy King: Rites Again, 333

Billy King shares his monthly thoughts

Hello – When I was writing my piece in the last issue about flagitis, the unfortunate and debilitating condition of using flags for ethno-nationalist purposes, I hadn’t referred to the fact that the disease had spread to the 26 counties, the Re:Public. This was remiss of me. The epidemic does not seem to be as widespread south and west of the border in Ireland but it is still present in many places, and it seems quite a virulent and nasty disease. I was writing about how it, obviously, has been endemic in the North but now spread to Britain where it seems to have spread like wildfire.

I hope that sensible precautions being taken will mean that it does not affect so many people and areas in the Republic; many people are already acting to welcome, and express welcome for, newcomers – who are actually needed as important parts of the economy and society. However we need to continue our research on developing effective vaccines for this terrible affliction of flagitis which poisons the whole of society.

And here we are with issue No.333 of this e-steamed publication. It is highly unlikely that it will ever reach issue 666, the supposed mark of the Divil himself, or indeed No.999 – at which point shouting ‘Help!’ might be appropriate – and at the current rate of production the latter would be sixty-odd years away. Anyway, on with my contribution to No.333…..

Jaw jaw and war war

The title of this piece is a reference to Winston Churchill’s supposed dictum that jaw jaw is better than war war, though it appears he actually said “Meeting jaw to jaw is better than war” and it was Harold Macmillan, another British PM, who actually said the “jaw, jaw…war, war” bit. In any case it is not a piece of advice Churchill necessarily observed himself.

Another relevant anecdote is about the man sprinkling salt on city pavements. When asked by a passerby what he was doing he said “It’s to keep away alligators.” The passerby responded “But there are no alligators!” and the salt sprinkler said “Exactly!” The absence of something does not prove a particular reason for that absence.

However you may have noted Donald Trump’s recent claim to have stopped a war between Cambodia and Armenia, two countries some thousands of miles apart who would be largely unaware of each other’s existence let alone engaging in armed conflict. He had however been involved with partially ending Thai-Cambodian clashes and for that we can be thankful (for small mercies which is what we are likely to get at best from the current US administration). Obama was – mistakenly – given a Nobel Peace Prize at the start of his presidency, something totally out of kilter with what the Nobel Prize for Peace is about. I have previously covered what the Nobel Peace Prize was meant to be about but hasn’t been, e.g. https://www.innatenonviolence.org/billyking/bk206.shtml However Trump’s response to some intemperate comments from a prominent Russian political figure was to send two nuclear submarines across the Atlantic and in my book that should automatically exclude him. But he continues to try to prise a Prize from the Nobel committee when his due is more a Nobel Piece of Rubbish Prize.

Trump’s UN claim to have ended seven conflicts is examined in more detail by different sources, e.g. https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2025/sep/23/donald-trump/trump-ended-seven-wars-un-general-assembly/ which concludes “The status of the seven conflicts — and the nature of Trump’s role in easing them — are more varied and tenuous than his statement portrays. We rate it Mostly False.” It is not that he and his administration have done nothing but that in none of these has he ended ‘unendable’ wars. We note that the USA uses its military muscle – with the best part of a thousand military bases around the world including, de facto, Shannon Airport – primarily for its own ends. But can he stop or will he start a very uncivil civil war in the USA?

Oul books: Patriarchy in Ire-land

One of the features of being old, not necessarily a unique feature however, is that you may possess lots of books which are also oul – read, unread, half read, dog-eared, or even in pristine condition, and ranging from much treasured volumes through to those which raise questions about your state of mind at the time of purchase. Even occasional purges of those you definitely don’t want to keep, to the hoped for benefit of a local charity shop, doesn’t seem to do the trick in keeping them under control. And we all want, but seldom, achieve, Control.

Anyway, I thought it might be illuminating in this column – for me anyway [ !!!! – Ed] – to occasionally explore some of the oul books I have hanging about. The first to hand is Mary Condren’s “The Serpent and the Goddess: Women, Religion and Power in Celtic Ireland” first published in 1989 and then in Ireland in 2002 by New Island Books and this had a lengthy new introduction. The book is a wide-ranging dissection of religion, culture and patriarchy in Ireland – with wider significance I could add.

When I hear the term ‘patriarchy’ I think of many things, including numerous different aspects of violence and it is this that is the most relevant in the pages of Nonviolent News and which I will concentrate on here. But I also think ofpaytriarchy’ as in “Remember the Golden Rule – He who has the gold makes the rules.” The victims of patriarchy are primarily women but, and to a much lesser extent and in a different way, men are denied or deny becoming the whole people that they could be. But on to Mary Condren’s book which is a study in partriarchalisation [Is that another of your made up words? – Ed] [Maybe, but you know what I mean so it’s a viable word – Billy].

The story about St Patrick banishing snakes from Ireland is an interesting one because Mary Condren shows ‘the serpent’ as a symbol of old matriarchal and pre-monotheistic religions. The story is thus not just one of Patrick performing a miracle in banishing animals who weren’t here anyway but in banishing old pagan religions. Christianity was stamping its mark and stamping out snakes. But – snakes alive?! There are also some illuminating insights on Brigid, goddess and saint (both of these).

I am now going to be give a few quotes, to some extent out of context, which talk about patriarchy and militarism, and this piece is not a review of the book, merely picking up some points made on the themes involved. You can search out the original for the full meaning and context.

Contact with women could weaken men’s potency when engaging in their two most powerful activities – hearing the word of God or going to war. In this we can see a very clear connection between the development of a militaristic culture and the development of a new male identity independent of the world of women or the world women had represented.” (page 18, 2002 edition).

Quoting some of Kuno Meyer’s writing on Adamnán makes a fascinating sub-text to the Law of the Innocents (page 52 and following). The mythology involved is too complex and long to include here but Mary Condren concludes “The story reflects a time when Irish women were greatly oppressed by the warrior elitist society. Christianity had come, yet obviously the priests, like Adamnán, needed drastic measures of persuasion before being prevailed upon to confront the ruling classes….”

In a chapter on clerical celibacy, she writes (page 145) “In the more stable from of politics, singular heroic acts would not be enough to support an ongoing kingly reign. What was needed was a much more reliable marriage of politics and religion that could be called upon at a moment’s notice. Standing armies would be one way of solving the political problem, but in the new arrangements between church and state, and with a church hierarchical structure based upon a military model, more symbolic changes would be needed……The priests, in effect, became the new heroes of the society. Previously their “heroic deeds” in the service of God simply would have been proof of great holiness. Now their great power enabled them to confer religious authority upon the kings…..male priests….became a permanent caste of heroes with a monopoly on religious power.”

And one of Mary Condren’s conclusions (page 198) is that “Instead of monotheism, we now have the working strategy of unquestioning obedience to military authority, which continues to sustain various forms of patriarchal power….Those soldiers willing to sacrifice their lives confer upon the military-industrial complex a new kind of theological status, that which represents the “whole” now that traditional religion seldom serves this purpose. Indeed, the inroads of secularism may have occasioned a “sacrificial crisis” or a “collapse of the sacrificial economy” in which the search for political absolutes now becomes dominant.” Seem familiar????

Anyway, the book is an oldie but a goldie and worth seeking out if you are interested in the themes explored – in great detail.

But I have a final thought arising from the book, and that is how the powers that be can dissemble and deceive. St Brigid’s Day has, for the last few years, been declared a public holiday in the Re:Public, the first named after/connected with a woman. Oh, how progressive! But does the Irish government pay one jot of attention to, let alone follow, what St Brigid was about? Peace, protection, mediation, welcoming, women’s assertiveness, all would be associated with Brigid. And what is Ireland doing? Cosying up to the Big Boys of militarism and power in NATO and EU militarisation, and doing less than the minimum for asylum seekers. So it is “Oh, how sad!” rather than “Oh, how progressive!”.

The wizard of ID

It takes some doing to get all the parties in de Nort agreed on anything but all seemed to support the idea that Keir Starmer’s proposed UK digital identity card, even if for a mobile phone, is a Bad Idea. And even if this ‘BritCard’ was slightly hidden and you only needed to have it with you for certain occasions or services, listing your nationality – Irish, British, Klingon – is Not A Good Idea in a contested-identity region like Northern Ireland. Commentators pointed to the difficulty for cross-border workers. And unionists felt it would make no difference to immigration anyway – which, as you may know, is tiny in the North compared to the Republic or Britain and most other European countries/areas, despite the noise some of the right try to make to exploit the issue. However another unionist commentator said it was a mistake to reject the idea and playing into nationalist hands, presumably on the rationale that forcing people to have and/or carry British identification that they rejected was Good For The Union.

Identity cards have a chequered history in general. The public services card in the Re:Public might have been pushed further as a more general id card if people hadn’t pushed back against the Irish government’s moves on this. But in a society like Northern Ireland where the need is not to abolish people’s chosen identities but make those of less consequence than common humanity and mutual acceptance, it is a step backwards. Cue pictures of someone on a backstreet in the dark stopped by vigilantes or paramilitaries and asked to produce their id card. How it would actually be operationalised in Northern Ireland would be a nightmare but it would also be strange to leave the North out from an otherwise UK-wide scheme – but whether it will be identical remains to be seen.

We will wait and see what develops or founders on this, and opposition in Britain has been building. I pity any poor public servants tasked with introducing this in Northern Ireland, they would have a lot of sleepless nights on their hands; it is on the cards that it would not be very successful and any success that will be achieved will be hard won.

On another note about the UK, in a voting intentions survey or poll published in the 30/8/25 edition of the “i” newspaper, Nigel Farage’s Reform party had a 15% lead over Labour (35% to 20%) with the Conservatives on 17%; if replicated in four years time, the inequitable UK ‘first past the post’ voting system would give Reform a whopping majority… This might be welcomed by some Irish nationalists as likely leading to a united Ireland (it might) but it would actually be very bad news for the people of Norn Iron and Ireland as a whole with the likelihood of instability and chaos, whatever happened, with a far right English nationalist party in power in the UK. Any resultant transition to a united Ireland – and that couldn’t be assumed either – would be disorderly to say the least.

Speaking of the Wizard of Id, in the cartoons of that name my favourite is probably the one where the king is showing a visiting dignitary or neighbouring royalty around the kingdom. The visitor asks a peasant how they are doing and the peasant replies “I can’t complain.” A further question from the visitor about why they say that elicits the response – “It’s not allowed.” There are many dangers on this island and we are not at that stage but in many countries internationally authoritarianism is in the ascendant.

Well, that’s me for now as winter weather is ready to kick in. September wasn’t too bad but we didn’t get a summer-like ’Indian summer’, unfortunately, that sometimes comes in the earlier part of that month. The shops are now displaying their Christmas tat, sorry, wares, so the year moves on, and I will see you again soon. There will be a new president-elect in the Re-Public before I write again but I have already had my say on that, Billy.

News, September 2025

Irish Network of Legal Observers

This network is an initiative led by ICCL/Irish Council for Civil Liberties and the University of Galway; it is a group of people who have been trained to carry out legal observing of protests in Ireland. The Irish Network of Legal Observers is overseen by a Steering Committee comprised of international experts and academics working in the area of protest, public order policing, civic space and human rights. Legal observers are trained to monitor the policing of protest to ensure that Gardaí are operating within the law. Legal observers work to strengthen existing accountability mechanisms by having a visible presence at protests and monitoring, documenting, and filming actions of Gardaí and private security.  

Legal observers are recognised human rights defenders according to the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and the UN Human Rights Committee. There is an international obligation to permit legal observers to fulfil their role unhindered. Legal observers are independent and do not take part in the protest or in the organisation of the protest. Legal observers focus on the protest rights of those involved, rather than the issue that is being protested.

ICCL conducts legal observer trainings on a quarterly basis. Anyone who attends one of the trainings (three to four hours long held in different parts of the country), and upholds the terms of participation can be a legal observer; the next training is on 2nd October in Dublin. If interested in attending training contact Emily Williams of ICCL emily.williams@iccl.ie – she is also an organiser of the Network along with Dr Illan Wall, Irish Centre for Human Rights and School of Law, University of Galway, illan.wall@universityofgalway.ie  if you want to request legal observers for a protest. For more info see https://www.iccl.ie/iccl-irish-network-of-legal-observers/

Corrymeela 60 autumn events

There are a variety of events in different places commemorating the 60th anniversary of the founding of Corrymeela in 1965, making it the only peace and reconciliation group to pre-date the Troubles in Northern Ireland – and still going strong. Thursday 30th October: Luncheon at the Centre followed by An Anniversary Celebration in the Croí with Readings & Songs reflecting 60 years of Corrymeela. 1-2 Nov 2025: Shelter in the Storms Dublin programme in a collaborative learning experience for Corrymeela’s 60th, Glencree’s 50th, and Dublin’s North inner city community. Saturday 22nd November: Sounds Connected Fundraiser Concert featuring the premiere of ‘A Season to Sing’, a choral reimagining of Vivaldi’s The Four Seasons in Belfast Cathedral https://www.corrymeela.org/news/263/spectacular-choral-concert-a-season. Meanwhile Corrymeela has a summer fundraising appeal marking the 60th anniversary https://www.corrymeela.org/donate/donate-to-our-summer-2025-appeal You can also sign up on the website to receive Corrymeela’s monthly Community News with reports and news of upcoming events – and/or visit the website to find out more.

Adi Roche at Hiroshima commemoration

Commemorations of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings were held in Dublin, Galway and Tralee, see https://www.flickr.com/photos/innateireland/54704583635/in/dateposted/ and another six photos beside that. The keynote speaker at the Dublin event was Adi Roche, Voluntary CEO of Chernobyl Children International https://www.chernobyl-international.com/ Included in a wide ranging talk she said “Current tensions around the globe show us that nuclear escalation is not a relic of the Cold War, but an increasing clear and present danger. Recent attacks on Iranian nuclear facilities is a very real example of such danger. We are regressing into a world in which the ‘rule of law’ is replaced by the ‘rule of power,’ with a destabilising new nuclear arms race. There can be no compromise on the issue of nuclear weapons…we either put an end to nuclear weapons, or they will put an end to us……Let us say loudly today on this 80th anniversary: ‘No to War! No to Nuclear Weapons! And Yes to Peace! Yes to Disarmament. Today we are taking a side. For we declare today we are taking the side of peace. No more Hiroshima’s! No more Nagasaki’s!” https://irishcnd.blogspot.com/

Amnesty International NI on criminalisation of peacful protest

In mid-August, Amnesty International (AI) NI director Patrick Corrigan said “The PSNI must uphold people’s right to protest against the genocide being perpetrated in Gaza.The police must be clear that they have obligations under the Human Rights Act and international law to facilitate the right to peaceful protest. Carrying out arrests for peaceful expression on this issue would be a violation of international human rights law. Instead of criminalising peaceful demonstrators, the UK Government should be focusing on taking immediate action to put a stop to Israel’s genocide.”   This followed the arrest of a woman in Belfast for supposedly supporting UK terror law banned Palestine Action. https://www.amnesty.org.uk/issues/Northern-Ireland AI subsequently launched a global ‘urgent action’ to protect the right to protest of over 700 people arrested for peacefully protesting in the UK in support of Palestine Action.

Manifesto for Peace and Recognition for Palestine

The European Peace Project (EPP), a loose network of groups and individuals, is organising a Manifesto for Peace and Recognition for Palestine to be read or declared across Europe at 5.00 p.m. on the 3rd of October.  Again, Lex Innocentium will arrange a public event to read this manifesto (as it did with the Declaration of a Manifesto for Peace in Europe on 8th May). See https://europeanpeaceproject.eu and you can contact Lex Innocentium 21st Century at lexinnocentium21@gmail.com

Ireland must join the Hague group – Afri and Comhlámh

Afri and Comhlámh are asking all civil society organisations to sign up to an urgent open letter to TDs and Senators calling on Ireland to join the Hague Group to end complicity in the genocide of the Palestinian People. A coalition of nations, the Hague Group led by South Africa and Colombia, has pledged to take concrete steps to end complicity in genocide and uphold international law, with specific concrete steps to end arms transfers, stop military transit, enforce shipping control, cut state support for occupation, pursue justice and enable domestic prosecutions. Thirteen countries have already signed up. Your organisation can sign the letter before 10th September with 20th September a deadine for Ireland to join. Go to https://www.afri.ie/ and then to ‘News and events’ on the home page, or go to https://comhlamh.org/ and scroll down to ‘News’.

Foreign military bases are spreading – as is resistance to them

World Beyond War (WBW) has issued a new report on foreign military bases https://worldbeyondwar.org/basesreport2025/While U.S. bases are in 95 foreign countries all over the globe and virtually encircling the borders of Russia and China, the nation with the second-most foreign bases, Türkiye, has them all near Türkiye, with the exception of one base in Somalia, and the majority of them in Syria and Iraq where Türkiye has been waging wars. During U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States added, and later closed, hundreds of bases. Türkiye and the U.S. are allied members of NATO and weapons traders, and the United States maintains a military presence at nine bases within Türkiye, at one of which it keeps nuclear weapons. The only other nation on Earth with even a tenth as many foreign military bases as the United States is the United States’ very closest military ally, the United Kingdom, some of whose bases are joint U.S.-UK operations. The combined foreign military bases of the top three nations on the list, NATO members all, total 1,127. The fourth nation on the list, NATO’s raison d’être, Russia, has 29 foreign military bases. These are all found in 10 countries, all of which are near Russia, apart from one base in Sudan.”

As WBW states “Bases are often on stolen land and often perpetuate systems of segregation and colonialism. They do incredible environmental damage, tend to increase sexual violence and drunkenness, cost a financial fortune, prop up brutal governments, and facilitate drone attacks and wars.“ The full report is available at the above link, with other news on their website including their #NoWar2025 conference, 24th-26th October on Zoom, exploring abolition movements.

Tools for Solidarity: In the van-guard

Global solidarity organisation Tools for Solidarity is crowd-funding to acquire a new electric van as they use a van for ‘everything’ and their old one’s durability has van-ished. Tools for Solidarity is a not for profit voluntary charitable organisation based in Belfast and relies on donations of tools, sewing machines and volunteers to sustain the work of supporting artisans in sub Sahara Africa to increase their income generation and improve the quality of their lives and that of their communities. They are also involved in other work locally. See https://www.crowdfunder.co.uk/p/tools-for-solidarity-3

FOE UK: Planet Protectors pack for children

Friends of the Earth UK has a Planet Protectors Pack for children with activities, games and stickers, and plastic free. It is available for a donation at https://friendsoftheearth.uk/donate/have-fun-together-get-your-planet-protectors-pack-today?dm_i=78W4,2O2ZK,1RRHI4,7BK2U,1 and any profits go to FOE work. If ordering from outside the UK postal area please be aware of high UK international postage charges, or enquire about postage.

PCI: Materials on the conflict in Sudan and role of women

The conflict and war in Sudan with its huge and devastating effects trundles on, mainly unreported in the media, mainstream or social. Materials from Pax Christi International programme about the situation, “Sudan Speaks: Voices from a Forgotten Crisis and Hopes for Peace” can be found on the Pax Christi International website with video and downloadable slides; the final webinar of the series of three is on 22nd September. Go to https://paxchristi.net/webinars-sudan-speaks The Pax Christi annual report for 2024 is also available on their website at https://paxchristi.net/2024-annual-report-standing-together-for-nonviolence-and-just-peace/ while you can also read about the Catholic Nonviolence Initiative by clicking that title on the menu bar of the home page.

FOE NI: A5, Lough Neagh

Friends of the Earth in Northern Ireland welcomed the court judgement on the A5 upgrade and argue that “Nearly £2 billion is far too much money to waste on one new road project. That money should be used in a more clever and strategic way. Around £1 billion can fund better transport. Firstly to upgrade the existing A5 and secondly to open up new rail and bus services to connections to the west of Northern Ireland.” The dire state of Lough Neagh and political ineffectiveness in dealing with the issue is the subject of a petition to the First Minister and Deputy First Minister demanding community ownership and real protection and restoration https://action.friendsoftheearth.uk/petition/help-save-uks-largest-lake-lough-neagh?dm_i=78W4,2O4TS,1RRHI4,7BQX5,1 And see https://friendsoftheearth.uk/northern-ireland

Neutrality and Triple Lock session at Desmond Greaves

The Desmond Greaves weekend summer school in central Dublin, 5th – 7th September, sees the session on Saturday afternoon, 6th September at 2.30pm, on the future of Irish neutrality with representatives of political parties opposing the abolition of the Triple Lock, and the chair for the session will be Stephen Kelly, chair of PANA/Peace And Neutrality Alliance. Individual sessions are €10, concessions half price. See https://www.greavesschool.ie/ for details.

CRIS fun and fundraiser

CRIS/Community Relations in Schools has a fundraiser at the Balmoral Hotel, Belfast on Friday 17th October with a fancy dress quiz and disco and night of trivia, dancing, themed decor, treats and prizes; proceeds will support CRIS’ ongoing peacebuilding work. See https://www.tickettailor.com/events/communityrelationsinschools/1826574 and the CRIS website is at https://www.crisni.org/

Editorial: Inaction on racism is not an option

The forces of racism are organising and waiting to pounce, that should be obvious (Northern Ireland figures show a considerable rise in reported racist crimes and incidents). Right wing ideology seeks to exploit any incidence, real or imagined, of wrongdoing by migrants, people who have come here from elsewhere seeking to make a better life – like Irish emigrants have done for many generations elsewhere – possibly escaping from terrible conditions and threats of injury or death in their home countries. The right wing may seek to crack down on crime but they don’t single out the fact that the vast majority of crime on this island is committed by indigenous Irish/Northern Irish people; that doesn’t suit their agenda which is scapegoating, creating fear, and seeking to win support by that means.

Racism is inherently violent because it portrays other people as less human, less capable, less moral, less caring than ourselves. This has direct implications and effects. The ‘others’, the scapegoated ones, don’t matter and therefore they can be abused, verbally or physically, and assaulted, even injured or killed and it doesn’t matter because ‘they’ don’t count. They are, in effect, sub-human, Untermensch‘. They have no rights and should be expelled.

There is only one race, the human race, and diversity is something for celebration and a beautiful aspect of our humanity. Of course we can celebrate ‘our’ culture and invite others to join us and enjoy it too. ‘Our’ culture may be fantastic in many regards but it may also have dark and negative aspects to it in the present – and we know that there have been many such features in the recent past in all parts of Ireland.

There are issues where we cannot remain on the sidelines, as a hurler on the ditch. However we, like or unlike a hurler on the ditch, can take verbal action in objecting to the use of racist terminology. We can, and should, intervene immediately and directly if there is a use of racist language or put down so that the speaker is challenged; it might be they are deliberately being racist in which case they know they are being challenged, or they may be unthinkingly using racist language in which case they may be more careful next time.

There are many ways we can be actively anti-racist and this may or may not involve being involved in an avowedly anti-racist group or organisation such as City of Sanctuary or other solidarity groups. Being open to others on a day to day basis and being willing to help others that we come across, whoever and whatever they are, if we can is an important approach. An approach to inclusiveness that welcomes people that are different – not just in terms of origin but in ability and demeanour – is what is needed. We can all make our sporting, cultural, special interest and political groupings and work places welcoming for all; this is in our own interests too, to bring in new people. There are a huge number of positive examples of this right around the island of Ireland – and wherever you are you probably know of good examples of groups being inclusive.

From a specifically nonviolent point of view, beyond civic and civil society mindedness, there are a variety of possibilities which can be explored and built on. In situations of threat, monitoring and accompaniment models can be developed which can help to prevent racist attacks and protect individuals or groups. Of course racist attacks can happen anywhere and monitors and accompaniers cannot be everywhere. But providing accompaniment to people already threatened or attacked can help provide some measure of reassurance; however the role provided needs to be carefully explained and agreed to by those under threat, and there may not be an understanding of what is being offered.

Beyond monitoring and accompaniment there is the possibility of nonviolent protective lines and the like in situations of racist-based attacks – basically that would be attackers have to attack native-born people before attacking those they see as ‘other’. This is obviously a high risk strategy and one which would in most situations require at least passive acceptance by police that the nonviolent activists would not be interfering with police action and responsibilities, or where police are not present. In this situation nonviolent activists could obviously themselves become targets. But we also know – and more intelligent racists will know – that attacking native-born people is not a way to win friends and is indeed a way to alienate those from whom they would seek to receive support. But racists in a physical conflict are unlikely to be thinking too rationally so such action would be high risk for nonviolent activists – but fast and careful on the ground analysis could justify the risk.

Of course racists should be challenged at a political level but we do need careful consideration of whether counter-demonstrations are a good way to do this. They may or may not. Organising a multicultural celebration away from a racist demonstration, but stating it to be your answer to their racism, is an option. Having more people at ‘your’ anti-racist demo can of course make the point that more people locally support anti-racism than racism, but the dynamics of crowds are difficult and creating ‘us’ and ‘them’ friction may not be the best way to go and may reinforce in the minds of borderline racists that ‘society’ is out to get ‘them’ and has sold out to the ‘others’.

Ireland has the ‘advantage’ in relation to anti-racism of having been on the receiving end of racism and forced emigration through colonialism and poverty – this applies to the Ulster Scots who were relatively early migrants to North America as well as 19th and 20th century migrants. Those who ignore that experience ignore Irish history and refuse to learn from it, with racists preferring to adopt a superior attitude to others which is itself in tune with colonialism. How ironic it is that anyone on the island of Ireland should adopt racism as a creed, even lightly disguised racism through claiming “Ireland is full” when it still has rather less people than 1846 and is infinitely wealthier today. Successive waves of migration to Ireland, some of oppressed groups like the Huguenots, have contributed to the fabric of Irish life and made us what we are, and whatever our origin our ancestors all came from somewhere else originally.

Of course there are issues of concern such as the housing crisis, particularly in the Dublin area. The blame for that lies with the government and our capitalist system rather than people at the bottom of the pile who need somewhere basic to live. And it is economic prosperity, and workers needed for the companies which have helped create that, which has contributed to housing pressures – but no one is saying ‘end prosperity’.

Whether actively involved in avowedly anti-racist activities or not, we all need ‘racism awareness’ and commitment to follow up on what we need to do and can do in our lives and our localities. Our humanity demands no less.